Contents

Contents. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Acknowledgements. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .2

Foreword. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3

Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5

Executive Summary.............................................................................................. 7

Overview of Crimes.............................................................................................11

Victim Testimony............................................................................................... 18

Whistleblower Testimony.................................................................................. 101

Demographics and Culture................................................................................106

The Influence of Islam........................................................................................116

Homegrown Enabling Factors............................................................................134

Impact on Survivors........................................................................................... 151

Conclusions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154

Recommendations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159

Legislative Response..........................................................................................164

All Frontline Response...................................................................................... 169

Next Steps.........................................................................................................179

A Concluding Message from Rupert Lowe MP, Rape Gang Inquiry Chair..........180

Appendix I – Non-Hearing Victim Testimony................................................... 181

Appendix II – Survivor Quotations....................................................................192

Appendix III – Institutional Failures................................................................. 203

Appendix IV – List of Areas Gangs Are Known to Have Operated.....................214

Acknowledgements

Every witness who volunteered their testimony – whether survivor, parent,

whistleblower, politician or expert – showed courage that made this Inquiry

possible. Their contributions have ensured that the truth is now a matter of

permanent public record.

Rupert Lowe MP’s energy and commitment ensured that The Rape Gang

Inquiry took place. He has been unwavering in his devotion to making sure that

this rotting stain on our country’s history has remained firmly in the public eye.

Deep gratitude is extended to the entire Inquiry team, led by Sammy

Woodhouse. Nat Enderby-Shenton, Marlon West, Debra Sudbury, and Julie

Ballan worked tirelessly to bring the evidence together and support every

survivor who came forward.

A special thank you is owed to MPs Esther McVey, Nick Timothy, and Carla

Lockhart for taking the time to sit on the Inquiry panel.

Dr. Mark Durie has been extremely generous in enriching the report that follows

with his expert knowledge.

We are also grateful to Charlie Downes, Joshua Ferme, Harrison Pitt, and

Graham Smith for their editorial oversight and counsel.

Last but not least, we thank the untold thousands across Britain who made all of

this possible by donating to ensure that this Inquiry could take place.

Foreword

Britain doesn’t have a racism problem, it has an immigration problem.

Rupert Lowe

As is the case with many decent, hard-working Britons, I was unaware of the

sheer scale of the evil that has been, and continues to be, perpetrated by chiefly

Pakistani Muslim men against vulnerable young white women and girls in

communities up and down our country. But a single court transcript from one

such horrific case – amplified by Elon Musk early last year – set in motion a long

overdue national reckoning on the matter that inspired over 20,000 British

patriots to help fund our Rape Gang Inquiry. What follows is a comprehensive

report of its findings. It is essential that all related court documents are securely

preserved, both for legal and historical reasons.

I am grateful to everyone on my team who has contributed to exposing this

demonic chapter in Britain’s history. A combination of the paralysing fear of

‘racism’ accusations and the scramble for votes from imported foreign

sub-cultures meant that pure evil was allowed to metastasise. Nor is the

horrendous ordeal over. The root cause was immigration, beginning with the

British Nationality Act 1948 and escalating under Tony Blair from 1997

onwards. Believing proud nations to be responsible for the mid-20th century

destruction of Europe, our post-war leaders embraced diversity and

multiculturalism as the supposedly civilised alternative. This report establishes

beyond any doubt that this ‘open society’ obsession has in fact enabled untold

barbarism of its own. Oil and water do not mix and cultural differences, going

back centuries, are the genesis of this problem.

I urge all Britons to read this report in full. Lessons need to be learned and

prosecutions need to follow for the appalling cowardice of those responsible for

refusing to resist such horrors. The strongest possible penalties, up to and

including death, must also be sought for those yet to be properly punished or

indeed punished at all for their vile, unspeakable crimes.

The world is a dangerous place to live, not because of the people who are evil, but

because of the people who don’t do anything about it.

Albert Einstein

Man is the cruellest animal.

Friedrich Nietzsche

Introduction

The Rape Gang Inquiry has now concluded the first phase of its work. It was

established to examine one of the most horrendous scandals in the long history

of our country: the systematic targeting of vulnerable girls, overwhelmingly

White British, by predominantly Muslim Pakistani gangs across towns and cities

up and down the nation.

The evidence presented throughout the hearings confirmed what had long been

known but repeatedly denied by many in the political class. The Inquiry

welcomed girls, boys, men, and women of all races and religions to testify to

their experiences to gain a complete picture of the rape gang phenomenon.

The Casey Report of 2025 stated that disproportionate numbers of men from

“Asian ethnic backgrounds” were among the suspects for group-based child

sexual exploitation (‘CSE’). Baroness Casey quoted local reports showing that a

significant proportion of those convicted were of Pakistani and/or Muslim

heritage. The crimes stretch back generations.

The Rape Gang Inquiry was necessary because the state and its institutions have

failed catastrophically over decades. Police, social services, schools, the NHS,

licensing authorities, and governments allowed these gangs to operate with

impunity. There was a demonstrable lack of political will to confront them. The

Labour Party initially refused a public inquiry altogether, only relenting under

considerable pressure. It will be many years before this inquiry is complete and

there is no guarantee that it will adequately address the politically sensitive

ethnoreligious nature of the phenomenon. Despite now pushing for an inquiry

in opposition, when in government the Conservative Party did very little.

The Rape Gang Inquiry was survivor-led. Every day the panel sat with Sammy

Woodhouse, a survivor-turned-activist herself, alongside a variety of experts who

attended whenever their specialist subject formed the focus of our efforts to get

to the truth. We examined distinct areas of the scandal in turn so that a

maximally full picture could be established. Parents and carers described their

experiences. Instances of pregnancy, abortion, and children born of rape were

laid bare. Whistleblowers who had previously been ignored gave evidence.

Policing and justice failures were documented. Social care, NHS services

(including sexual health and mental health), education, taxi licensing,

demographic trends, cultural and social issues, and ideological obstructions to

justice were all scrutinised without restriction. Nothing was off the table.

Misguided political correctness and cultural sensitivities played no part in the

proceedings. The promise made to every donor was honoured in full: the truth

was pursued and justice was our only objective.

Survivors were finally given the platform they had been denied for so long and

were central to the Inquiry. The full scale and nature of the crimes can now be

placed on the public record. The true horror of what took place is no longer

hidden.

Although the Inquiry lacked statutory powers, the response was overwhelming.

Politicians, whistleblowers, experts, family members, and many others came

forward. Those few in prominent positions who declined to give evidence did so

knowing their refusal would be noted.

This report sets out findings and makes clear recommendations for how the

problem of rape gangs can be eradicated. The country now knows the full truth.

The country has been given the basis for justice. The country has the roadmap to

ensure these crimes never happen again.

Executive

Summary

The Rape Gang Inquiry examined the systematic targeting of vulnerable girls,

overwhelmingly White British, by predominantly Muslim Pakistani gangs across

towns and cities throughout the United Kingdom. The evidence put to the

Inquiry confirms that this scandal constitutes one of the most horrendous

failures in the history of the country. Organised networks of perpetrators built

coordinated operations that transported victims between locations, supplied

them with drugs and alcohol, recorded abuse for distribution and blackmail,

and passed girls between multiple adult men. These crimes have been committed

for decades, since the 1950s by Pakistanis in particular, and have affected every

region of our nation.

The scale of the crimes committed is staggering. It has been previously

established that, at the very least, 250,000 young white girls have been subjected

to repeated rape, gang rape, trafficking, torture, pregnancy, forced Islamic

conversion, and lifelong trauma.

The true number is probably higher. The

perpetrators bear primary responsibility, yet the institutional failures that

enabled them for decades must also be confronted. In court records and official

inquiries, around 87% of those convicted in these group-based child sexual

exploitation (‘CSE’) cases bore distinctively Muslim names.

The vast majority of

men involved in these gangs were not convicted. Dr. Taj Hargey, an imam with

the Oxford Islamic Congregation, believes the true proportion of gang members

who are Muslims to be around 95%.

This figure far exceeds the Muslim share of

the overall United Kingdom population. The overwhelming majority of the rape

gang networks consisted entirely of men from Muslim backgrounds –

predominantly of Pakistani heritage, although smaller groups from Somali,

Iranian, Syrian, Turkish, and other Muslim origins were also involved.

The Inquiry heard harrowing testimony from survivors and their families. The

method used to groom children typically followed the same process. Girls as

See Fundamentalist ‘Muslims believe if the Prophet’ slept with a nine-year-old ‘what’s wrong with a

12-year-old?,’ claims Muslim leader, London Loves Business, 9 January, 2025.

See Sacrificing girls to political correctness, Christian Concern, 16 March, 2018.

Lord Pearson of Rannoch (House of Lords, Hansard Vol. 797) in a debate on Grooming Gangs, 14 May, 2019.

young as 11 were initially befriended by a young Muslim man who then treated

the young child like an adult and would then start providing them with alcohol,

drugs, and cigarettes. After a few months the girls would then be collected from

school gates, care homes, and streets in taxis. They were taken to houses, flats,

restaurants, and hotels where they were raped repeatedly by groups of men,

tortured, filmed for blackmail, and told they were “white trash” or “kuffar” who

merited punishment. Many became pregnant while still children. Some

miscarried under trauma, others endured coerced abortions, and some gave

birth to children who were later removed by the state. We found that the same

unspeakable crimes occurred in at least 149 local authority districts – close to

40% of all such districts across the United Kingdom (see page 14 for our full

map). Survivors described daily rapes, “red rooms” of extreme torture,

trafficking between cities, and institutional disbelief that compounded their

suffering. Some girls were even trafficked to the Middle East where they would

endure Islamic marriage.

The demographic and cultural drivers are clear. Perpetrators from Pakistani

Muslim and other Muslim backgrounds operated under an honour- and

shame-based clan code that treated non-Muslim girls, especially white working

class girls, as property available for sexual use. This pattern was reinforced by

eight theological and legal aspects of Islam. These include the doctrine of

Muslim superiority drawn from Quranic verses that position Muslims at the top

with a duty to correct non-believers. The gang members’ justification for their

crimes can be found in the Islamic principles of loyalty and disavowal known as

al-walā' wa-l-barā'. It demands enmity towards non-Muslims, the superiority of

men over women, forced marriage combined with the absence of any fixed

minimum age of consent, the perception of female sexuality as inherently

dangerous, a system of sex slavery that authorises sexual relations with

non-Muslim captives, and a religiously sanctioned social hierarchy that

subjugates conquered non-Muslims. These elements, filtered through clannish

immigrant sub-cultures, provided religious justification that enabled the

systematic rape and even slaughter of White British girls.

Were Britain functioning effectively, these girls would have received

considerable state protection. However, every one of our institutions failed them

catastrophically. Police forces ignored repeated reports, criminalised victims

instead of perpetrators, destroyed evidence, and allowed known rapists to walk

free on bail. Social care services undermined protective parents, placed children

in trafficking hubs inside children’s homes, closed cases despite clear indicators

of exploitation, and retaliated against whistleblowers. The NHS recorded genital

injuries, multiple sexually transmitted infections in children as young as 13,

pregnancies caused by rape, and suicide attempts, yet discharged victims back to

their abusers without safeguarding referrals or trauma care. Schools observed

older men collecting girls at the gates, heard disclosures of rape on school

premises, and responded by excluding victims rather than protecting them. Taxi

licensing authorities renewed permits for drivers who formed the logistical

backbone of the networks and collapsed in the face of organised protests when

basic safety measures were proposed.

Political failure lies at the heart of the scandal. Successive governments lacked

the will to confront the ethnic and religious patterns. The Labour Party bears

particular responsibility. It initially refused a public inquiry and only relented

under pressure by ordering a process viewed with widespread scepticism.

Labour-dominated councils and MPs were briefed on the gangs long ago yet

later denied knowledge. The party prioritised electoral reliance on Muslim

voting blocs and then blocked or watered down inquiries, suppressed ethnicity

data, and framed legitimate concerns as ‘far-right’ agitation. When finally forced

to act, the Labour government produced a national inquiry whose tightly drawn

terms of reference deliberately excluded systematic examination of the

demographic, cultural, and religious drivers. The Conservative Party, while in

government, continued with Labour’s approach and failed to impose mandatory

ethnicity recording or launch a full statutory inquiry despite clear evidence from

Rotherham and elsewhere. Scottish political parties have refused a dedicated

inquiry and failed to record offender ethnicity. Political correctness, fear of

accusations of racism, and fear of losing electoral support from certain

demographics have taken precedence over the protection of British children.

Whistleblowers, parents, and survivors who came forward showed extraordinary

courage, despite having been met in the past with disbelief and intimidation.

The perpetrators operated with impunity because the state enabled them. The

evidence now demands immediate and decisive action to eradicate the problem,

deliver justice for the victims, and ensure these abhorrent crimes are eradicated

from our shores.

We now have a clearer sense of the problem. There are a number of measures

necessary to resolve them, up to and including considerable changes to our

criminal justice system, the passage of legislation aimed at targeting specifically

gang-based CSE, and a great amount of institutional overhaul.

Our detailed list of recommendations includes improved data recording on

ethnoreligious patterns among offenders, far stronger sentencing, a

comprehensive deportation effort, institutional accountability measures,

multi-agency coordination, specialist training, enhanced safeguarding through

greater family involvement, and closing the various gaps in British law through

which so many victims fell.

Following the publication of this Report, we intend to release the full witness

testimonies, gather additional survivor accounts, identify those responsible in

Parliament, and begin civil and private legal actions to ensure maximal

accountability.

Overview

Crimes

Rape gangs have exploited children systematically across every region of the

United Kingdom for decades.

The independent chair of the Centre for Excellence for Children’s Care and

Protection Alexis Jay has identified the 1970s as the decade when immigrant

rape gangs first began tormenting the girls of Britain.

However, the British

Newspaper Archive reveals that the first recorded case of specifically Pakistani

rape gangs dates back to 1955, when four Bradford-based Pakistanis were

charged with raping a 15-year-old girl from Middlesbrough.

This was soon after

former colonial subjects, from the subcontinent as much as the Caribbean,

became eligible to enter the United Kingdom in non-trivial numbers under the

British Nationality Act 1948.

What began as singular and small-scale instances

became systematic and industrial over time.

These horrific crimes have only escalated in recent decades, especially following

Tony Blair’s 1997 victory and the start of orchestrated mass immigration. With

greater numbers came greater opportunities for abuse. Perpetrators built

organised networks that transported victims between towns and cities and

passed girls between multiple adult men.

In each of these areas the same tactics were used. Girls as young as 11 were

targeted with gifts, alcohol and drugs, collected in taxis from school gates, care

homes and streets and taken to houses, flats, restaurants and hotels and then

raped repeatedly by groups of men, passed between perpetrators, trafficked

across county lines, and in many cases impregnated or forced into abortions.

Most victims endured violence, were filmed for blackmail, or told they were

“white trash” or “kuffar” who deserved punishment.

The authorities at every level – including the police, social services, health

services, schools, licensing bodies, and politicians – knew the patterns, possessed

See the British Nationality Act (1948).

See Bradford Observer, Saturday 27 August, 1955, the British Newspaper Archive.

See Alexis Jay OBE, The Report of the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse, October 2022.

the intelligence, and still failed to protect the country’s children. The evidence

establishes that a national scandal of repeated rape, trafficking, torture,

pregnancy, forced Islamic conversion, and lifelong trauma enabled by

institutional denial, political calculation, and fear of the accusation of racism

took place over decades.

The incidents of criminal activities listed in this report are drawn from court

records, official and unofficial inquiries across the country, and witness

testimony provided to the Inquiry. They confirm that this was never a series of

isolated local failures. It was a coordinated, nationwide pattern of organised

child sexual exploitation that repeated in town after town, city after city, from

the far north to the south coast. The same ethnic and religious profile of the

perpetrators was documented throughout almost all of the witnesses who

contacted the Inquiry.

The scale of the rape gang phenomenon is endemic across the entirety of Britain.

The 250,000 figure originates directly from a statement in the House of Lords by

Lord Pearson of Rannoch on 14 May, 2019:

“Do the Government accept that if we extrapolate nationally the Jay report on

Rotherham and other reports from Telford and Oxford, there appear to have been

upwards of 250,000 young white girls raped in this century, very largely by Muslim men,

usually several times a day for years?”

He added that this number “is probably an underestimate.”

This extrapolation now has greater support due to further data that has been

collected, derived from scaling the patterns documented in major inquiries:

●

Rotherham (Jay Report, 2014): At least 1,400 girls abused between 1997

and 2013, with some updated estimates exceeding this. Perpetrators were

overwhelmingly Pakistani Muslim men.

●

Telford Inquiry (2022): More than 1,000 children (predominantly girls)

over decades, again with the same perpetrator profile.

Lord Pearson of Rannoch (House of Lords, Hansard Vol. 797) in a debate on Grooming Gangs, 14 May, 2019.

●

National footprint: The grooming gang model has been confirmed in

dozens of towns and cities. Our independent Inquiry, led by Rupert Lowe

MP, has heard evidence demonstrating coordinated operations extending

to all corners of the country, in at least 149 local authority districts (see

page 14 for the full map).

When the Rotherham/Telford scale is applied across the documented national

distribution, and multiplied by the extreme under-reporting factor accepted by

official reviews, the total reaches the 250,000 threshold as a bare minimum.

We are far from grasping the full extent of grooming gang criminality in modern

Britain. It is reasonable to assume that, since sexual abuse of all kinds tends to

be under-reported, this is also true of grooming gangs. The Independent has

reported that almost 19,000 children were identified as sexual exploitation

victims in England in one year alone, despite the reluctance of state actors to

name or tackle the problem of the rape gangs.

After decades of abuse, victims

must number in the hundreds of thousands. The full scale is not yet known.

Every major review has emphasised that recorded statistics severely understate

reality:

●

Baroness Casey National Audit on Group-Based Child Sexual

Exploitation and Abuse (June 2025): The audit explicitly states that the

scale, nature, and characteristics of group-based child sexual exploitation

remain impossible to quantify precisely due to inconsistent data

collection and historical suppression.

●

Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse (IICSA) and multiple

local inquiries (2022–2025): “It is simply not possible to know the scale”

because ethnicity, group offending, and historical cases were routinely

unrecorded or shelved to protect “community cohesion.”

Overleaf is a heat map that portrays the various locations in which the Inquiry

can be sure the rape gangs operated. It is likely that the true extent is far worse.

See Appendix IV for our name-by-name list of affected areas.

Lizzie Dearden, Grooming ‘epidemic’ as almost 19,000 children identified as sexual exploitation victims in

England, The Independent, 28 December, 2019.

The scale, the tactics, the perpetrator profile, and the systemic inaction were

almost always identical everywhere. Britain did not face dozens of separate local

scandals. It faced one national scandal that the state allowed to grow for

decades.

London

London stands exposed as the epicentre of institutional denial in the grooming

gang scandal. While northern towns faced public inquiries after the truth

emerged, the capital maintained a wall of silence for years. The Mayor of

London, Sadiq Khan, has repeatedly insisted there were no grooming gangs

operating in the city. As our inquiry heard from Susan Hall, Leader of the

Conservatives in the London Assembly, the rape gang phenomenon is in fact

endemic within the capital. After challenging Khan about the presence of such

gangs in London, Hall was inundated with calls from women and girls

purporting to be victims of their predation. Khan describes evidence from

whistleblowers as malicious and politically motivated. He told the London

Assembly that the problem was far more complex than in other parts of the

country and that young people were being exploited through county lines rather

than organised group-based child sexual exploitation.

These statements were made despite the Metropolitan Police holding reports of

young girls being plied with alcohol and drugs then raped by groups of men in

hotels and other locations across the capital. A Daily Express investigation

revealed that Khan had direct access to HM Inspectorate of Constabulary

documents detailing exactly these patterns of offending. He read the files yet

continued to deny the existence of grooming gangs in public.

Shadow Home Secretary Chris Philp MP has accused Khan of facilitating a

cover-up and other politicians stated that both the Mayor and the Metropolitan

Police had been denying grooming gangs in London. Campaigners, including

whistleblower Maggie Oliver and Chris Wild, described the capital as the last

bastion of denial and warned that the scale of abuse there was more catastrophic

Zak Garner-Purkis & Callum Cuddeford, Sadiq Khan grooming gang ‘cover-up’ exposed as new evidence revealed,

Daily Express, 19 October, 2025.

See Mayor of London Sadiq Khan says grooming gang cases in London are ‘far more complex’, ITV News, 28

October, 2025.

than anywhere else in the country.

The evidence now emerging confirms their warnings. In October 2025, the

Metropolitan Police announced a review of 9,000 child sexual exploitation cases.

The National Crime Agency launched Operation Beaconport to examine

thousands more files nationwide after initial assessments found human errors,

missed lines of inquiry, and cases wrongly dropped. London forms a significant

part of this backlog. A former Metropolitan Police detective has described

industrial-scale child prostitution and grooming in the capital, with authorities

aware but opting for inaction due to a mixture of “incompetence, laziness, and

corruption.”

London has the largest Muslim population in Britain. Khan relies on significant

electoral support from those communities, as well as having an ethno-religious

motive to protect the public reputation of Pakistani Muslims in particular.

Widespread acknowledgment of organised networks of predominantly Pakistani

Muslim men targeting vulnerable white girls would have shattered the narrative

of community cohesion that successive London administrations – none more

than Khan’s – have promoted. As for others in authority, fear of being labelled

‘racist’ paralysed the Metropolitan Police and City Hall in the same way it did in

Rotherham and Rochdale before them. One anonymous whistleblower told us

that boys as well as girls are an especially vulnerable target for criminal gangs –

typically Albanian, Somali, or Turkish – operating in the capital. Yet the

relevant bodies still refuse to collect data on ethnicity, wilfully rendering

themselves blind to the very behavioural patterns that are supposed to aid law

enforcement in its pursuit of justice.

The Metropolitan Police review, the National Crime Agency operation, and the

witness accounts pouring in prove that group-based child sexual exploitation

has thrived in our capital city.

This Inquiry records the failure without reservation. Khan and the senior

leadership of the Metropolitan Police must answer for their role in this scandal.

Until the capital confronts the truth with the same rigour now demanded

See Sadiq Khan’s Grooming Gang cover up EXPOSED | Daily Express

elsewhere, the children of London remain at risk and the state remains

complicit.

Victim

Testimony

There are thousands of survivors who could have provided evidence to our

Inquiry team. Below is a summary of some of the testimony provided by our

brave witnesses who spoke at the Inquiry hearings. Some of the witnesses have

to remain anonymous for their own safety.

‘Chloe’

Throughout her early childhood, ‘Chloe’ was popular at school, performed well

academically, and enjoyed an active social life. Although her parents separated

when she was young, she describes her early upbringing as relatively stable.

Following the separation, full custody of Chloe and her older brother was

awarded to their father, despite his alcoholism. Her mother, on the other hand,

was often absent from her life and became homeless following the separation.

Chloe recalls a generally secure and supportive home environment under the

care of her father. However, following his sudden death just before her tenth

birthday, she moved in with her mother and her mother’s new husband – a man

she describes as a “paedophile” by whom she was sexually abused. Chloe’s

mother caught her husband assaulting Chloe on many occasions, but did little to

stop it. On one occasion, Chloe’s mother caught her husband in the shower with

Chloe and instead of intervening, “she closed the door and walked out.” At this

time, Chloe was ten years old.

The abuse soon escalated to rape. Chloe’s stepfather supplied her with alcohol

and cigarettes “to keep her quiet,” and she began smoking cannabis. Around the

same time, Chloe started truanting and spending time in the local town centre

with a friend unsupervised. She describes groups of Muslim men, primarily

Pakistanis, aged 20 to over 50 showing them attention, including wolf whistling

and buying them alcohol. Many were taxi drivers who would take the girls into

their cars and drive them around the town. At this stage, there was no sexual

abuse, and although the men’s behaviour was clearly inappropriate, Chloe and

her friend – then in their final year of primary school – enjoyed being treated

like adults.

The grooming soon intensified. The provision of alcohol and takeaways was

accompanied by emotional manipulation, with the men – many of whom were

related to one another – presenting themselves as sympathetic friends to Chloe.

Chloe describes this process as them “mapping out, are you a vulnerable

person?” Physical contact, including kisses and massages, became increasingly

common. Meanwhile, the abuse by her stepfather at home worsened, and her

mother was all but absent as a guardian.

At this time, Chloe had an aunt and uncle who lived nearby, and she often

sought refuge with them. She had spent holidays with them during her earlier

childhood, and felt that she could trust them. On one occasion, she had visited

them while truanting, before returning home and spending the day there while

her mother and stepfather were at work. To Chloe’s surprise, her uncle arrived

at her house unannounced an hour later, and she invited him inside. After a

brief conversation, Chloe’s uncle sexually assaulted her. Chloe resisted, and he

relented and left.

She told her mother about the assault, and her mother reported it to the police.

The police accused Chloe of lying, and no further action was taken. Until this

incident, she had regarded her uncle as “one of the best people in her life” –

afterwards, there were no adults left that Chloe could confide in or seek support

from. Increasingly isolated, she became more deeply involved with the groups of

Muslim men she encountered in the town centre.

One evening, Chloe’s friend suggested that they travel to a nearby town where

one of the men had a hotel room. They were picked up by the man – who was

drunk and under the influence of drugs – and taken to the hotel. When they

arrived, hotel staff saw them but did not intervene. In the room, the girls were

given a potent strain of cannabis, which left Chloe – then eleven – “absolutely

smashed.” Chloe’s friend was taken into another room by a group of men, and

Chloe was groped by the man who remained. Chloe resisted, and he hit her. The

man did not attempt to sexually assault her again, and instead threw the girls –

both of whom were still intoxicated – out of the hotel and refused to drive them

back to their home town. They were forced to walk. It was around midnight.

Chloe did not want to go back to her home as she feared her mother would beat

her for being out late, so stayed with her friend.

In the early hours of the morning, Chloe was collected from her friend’s house

by the police after her mother reported her missing. Chloe lied to the police and

her mother about where she had been. Chloe’s mother “grounded” her for a

month, meaning she was stuck at home with her predatory stepfather – a period

she describes as “torture.”

After the month passed, Chloe arranged to see her friend, who boasted that she

had a new boyfriend. Chloe left the house to meet her, and the girls were picked

up by the “boyfriend” – who was in fact a 25-year-old Indian man.

Initially, Chloe thought the man was nice – “posher” than the other men she had

met in the town centre. He took Chloe and her friend to a shop where he

purchased a bottle of vodka before picking up one of his friends and taking the

girls to a secluded location. During the journey, the men began pressuring the

girls for sex. Chloe refused, stating that she was on her period, but the men

replied that it did not matter. Night was falling when they arrived, and the

“boyfriend” took Chloe’s friend out of the car, leaving Chloe alone with the

other man. He proceeded to rape her on the back seats.

This incident took place in 2003. In 2022, Chloe took the two men to court, but

neither were found guilty.

From this moment, Chloe’s life spiralled. At twelve years old, she began

drinking heavily, smoking large amounts of cannabis, and taking harder drugs

including ecstasy – “anything to block it out of her mind.” She would drink

before school “just to get through the day” and her attendance dropped

significantly. She and her friend would spend school hours in the town centre,

“walking around until somebody picked them up in a car, somebody bought

them alcohol or somebody gave them drugs.” There were times when Chloe

would be missing for up to three days, during which time she was passed

between taxis, drugged, abused, and raped. In every case, the perpetrators were

Muslims, and primarily Pakistani.

On one occasion, Chloe was abducted by an abuser – who was driving drunk –

and taken to a graveyard. He gave Chloe – still twelve years old – whiskey before

forcing himself on her and raping her. He withdrew before ejaculation, and

forced the empty whiskey bottle into Chloe’s vagina, where it shattered. Chloe

admitted herself to A&E, but no questions were asked about how she had

sustained such an injury. She was examined, the glass was removed, and she was

discharged.

Chloe was questioned by police due to her absence on a number of occasions.

Each time, she was asked where she had been, who she had been with, and what

she had been doing. She replied that she had been having sex with adult males in

cars. Rather than opening an investigation and pursuing her abusers, the police

dismissed Chloe as a prostitute. They asked her whether she was consenting to

the sexual activity and, despite Chloe telling them that she did not know the

definition of the word “consent,” they reported that she had been.

The police found Chloe, as well as other missing children, in cars with the gang

members on multiple occasions, but let the gang members go without so much

as questioning them. On one occasion, Chloe was in the town centre and was

identified as a missing child by a police officer who questioned where she had

been. Chloe told this police officer about the full extent of the abuse, and the

response of the police officer was that nothing could be done, and Chloe was let

go.

In response to her truancy and deteriorating behaviour, the school regularly

placed Chloe in isolation and compelled her to attend additional after-school

classes every day. This did little to improve her emotional state, and she

continued to spend time with her friend and her friend’s “boyfriend.”

This went on for a number of years. The “boyfriend” would supply the girls with

alcohol and drugs, as well as introducing them to his friends, who were

exclusively South Asian men. On one occasion, he took the girls to his place of

work – a textiles factory – where he raped Chloe. Following this incident, Chloe

stopped spending time with the friend who, up until this point, had

accompanied her throughout her exploitation.

By this time, Chloe had become so accustomed to her “lifestyle” of spending

time with the Muslim gangs that she continued to do so without her friend. On

one occasion, following another late return home, her mother “grounded” her

for two months. Fearing further abuse from her stepfather, Chloe walked to a

nearby social services office while her mother was at work and reported him.

Chloe was interviewed by the social workers about the abuse, after which her

mother and stepfather were arrested and questioned. Both denied that the abuse

was taking place, and were released without charge.

Chloe made further appeals to social services and was eventually removed from

the house and placed in foster care. She lived with a couple who cared for several

other foster children and, though she found them “snobby” and judgemental,

found some semblance of stability with them – but it did not last long. She was

still living in the same town, so when she went into the town centre – as she

often did both alone and with the foster carers – the Muslim gangs would

recognise and target her. She remained at the same school, and because she now

lived further away, the foster carers paid for taxis to take her there. She would

ask the taxi drivers to drop her near the school and, rather than attending,

would walk to one of the neighbourhoods where the Muslim gangs spent their

time. The gangs would take her into their taxis, ply her with drugs and alcohol,

and sexually abuse her.

Around the age of 13, Chloe disclosed to social services that she was being

sexually abused by gangs of Muslim men. In response, social services did not

intervene, but rather talked to Chloe about contraception and sexual health.

One social worker started regularly taking Chloe to a sexual health clinic, where

she was diagnosed with chlamydia in her throat and vagina, gonorrhea, genital

warts, and pelvic inflammatory disease. Neither the social workers nor the clinic

staff questioned or reported this. The police were aware of Chloe’s activities, but

instead of targeting those responsible for her abuse, they routinely failed to

question them – let alone pursue further action – when Chloe was found in cars

and houses with them.

Chloe was soon moved to a different foster placement with a far more protective

carer. On one occasion, a gang came to the foster home searching for Chloe, and

the carer fought them in the street to protect her.

Around the time Chloe turned 14, a social worker approached her about her

ongoing sexual exploitation. This was one of the first times this had happened,

and Chloe was relieved that her abuse was finally being addressed. However,

rather than offering a solution, the social worker instead told Chloe that the

producers of Emmerdale were looking for a young actress to play a victim of child

sexual exploitation, and asked whether she would be interested in auditioning

for the role given her experience. Following this exchange, Chloe – upset, angry,

and in a state of disbelief – ran away from the foster home, and, after being

abducted by a Muslim gang, was missing for six months.

Over this period she was trafficked across the length and breadth of Britain. She

was taken to “house after house” and raped and abused by “guy after guy after

guy after guy.” The men who abused her paid money to the gang, which treated

her as little more than a commodity. She was reported missing and her

photograph was shown on TV. Her abusers remarked on this – “you’re that girl

off the TV that’s missing” – but her whereabouts were never reported to the

police. Chloe describes a cycle of grooming, rape, and drug and alcohol abuse –

this went on until, eventually, she was located by the police.

When the police found her, she was in a car with a South Asian Muslim man.

The man was let go without charge, and she was returned to her mother’s house.

Chloe’s relationship with her mother had completely broken down by this point,

so she continued to run away and her psychological state deteriorated further.

Following another period of grooming and sexual exploitation by a Muslim

gang, Chloe was taken into police custody and transported to a secure unit at a

children’s home.

She describes the home as being like a prison. Every aspect of her life was

controlled and surveilled, and she was routinely subjected to bodily

examinations, including full cavity searches. Chloe found the experience highly

traumatic. She remained there for 9 months, by which time she was almost 15.

Social services determined that she was well enough to be released, and she was

placed in foster care not far from where she had been living before. Chloe

describes the new carers as a positive and encouraging presence in her life, and –

in spite of her proximity to the sites of her abuse and exploitation – Chloe

found stability and security living with them. She enrolled in a full-time

hairdressing and beauty course at a nearby college, and for the next two years,

Chloe describes her life as “fantastic.”

As Chloe approached her 18th birthday, social services notified her that the

foster care would soon end. They identified a house for her and, after parting

ways with her carer, she moved in and got a retail job to support herself. Despite

having little experience taking care of herself, Chloe’s life remained generally

stable through this period.

Eventually, Chloe reestablished contact with the friend whom she had been

abused with as a young child. She invited her over to her house, and when she

arrived, she was accompanied by a group of Muslim men – all of whom

remembered Chloe from past abuse.

Immediately, Chloe’s life was thrown back into chaos. The men refused to leave,

and – in Chloe’s words – “it was no longer my quiet little house. It was their

house.” They smashed windows, kicked in doors, left the house an “absolute

wreck,” and sexually abused Chloe. One of the men – a previous abuser – pinned

her down, pulled his trousers down, and “sat on her face,” orally raping her on

her own sofa as the rest of the gang watched.

Chloe returned to drugs and alcohol to cope. Though she was still working in

retail, her ability to work was rapidly declining. During one shift, one of her

colleagues – someone she was friends with – jokingly pinched her bottom.

Chloe, traumatised by the years of abuse, punched him in the face in the middle

of the shop. She was brought before management and tried to argue her case,

but was fired. Left with no income, Chloe spiralled further. The Muslim gang

was still occupying her house, and, with nowhere else to go and no ability to

remove them, she remained there with them. They routinely drugged, abused,

and raped her, including with objects including soft drink cans, keys, and a

baseball bat.

Before long they started to pay her bills to consolidate their presence in her

home. On a number of occasions, they brought young children into Chloe’s

house to abuse them. Chloe recalls a number of occasions when boys under the

age of 18 from the Muslim community were pressured and bullied by their older

friends and relatives into raping her. Chloe was forced to commit crimes,

including insurance fraud and the holding of drugs. On one occasion she

contacted the police to report an assault that was taking place in her house and,

when they arrived, Chloe was threatened with arrest rather than the gang

members as the property was registered in her name.

One evening, an associate of the gang from a neighbouring town arrived at the

house. A notorious sex trafficker, he soon began taking Chloe to bars and

nightclubs in the surrounding area. There, he would spike her with heroin before

handing her over to men who sexually assaulted and raped her.

Chloe became addicted to opiates and her health deteriorated rapidly. She

became anorexic, weighing just five stone at the age of 18. The use of heroin was

a method of control by the gang, as it left her with no ability to defend herself

physically. Her daily existence became a relentless cycle of rape, exploitation,

and violence.

Eventually, a social worker visited Chloe and was shocked by both her

appearance and the conditions in which she was living. Concerned for her

welfare, she took Chloe to an addiction clinic, where tests revealed an extremely

high concentration of opiates in her system. Chloe was prescribed medication to

manage her opioid dependency and gradually weaned herself off the drugs.

Around this time, Chloe reconnected with a childhood friend, and their

friendship soon developed into a romantic relationship. Her boyfriend became

aware of the ongoing abuse and, with the help of his father, paid off Chloe’s

remaining rent and moved her out of her squalid house. Chloe moved in with

him, after which she got another job in retail. For a short period, Chloe’s life was

relatively stable – but, due to her unresolved trauma, she soon returned to

drinking heavily, smoking cannabis, and gambling.

Her workplace was close to her first foster home, and before long she came back

into contact with members of the gang that had abused her at that time. The

cycle of grooming, exploitation, and abuse soon resumed. Her relationship with

her boyfriend broke down, and, out of desperation, she re-established contact

with her mother – who had left her predatory husband – and soon moved back

in with her.

One night, Chloe was out with members of the gang and drinking heavily. Upon

her return to her mother’s house, her mother reported her to the police. The

police arrested Chloe while she was changing into her pyjamas, and she was

taken to the police station drunk and half-naked. She was kept in a cell until

two am the following morning, at which point she was released. They did not

provide her with any clothes or transportation back to her mother’s house. She

tried to contact her ex-boyfriend, but he did not respond. Chloe, then 19, was

left stranded.

She wandered around the neighbourhood for several hours before encountering

a gang member who had previously abused her. Cold and desperate, she got into

his car, and, for the following weeks, was trafficked across the country.

Eventually, Chloe identified a new house to move into. Despite their

dysfunctional relationship, her mother agreed to sign the rental agreement as

Chloe’s guarantor, as Chloe – then without income – knew she would not be

able to afford the rent. After she moved in, she became aware of the fact that she

was the only White British person in her neighbourhood. Every other resident

was South Asian. As a result, the gangs discovered where she was living, and

once again treated her house as if it was their own. The cycle of abuse continued,

and Chloe’s emotional state deteriorated significantly. Chloe was taken to

hospital after a suicide attempt, and, while there, she discovered that she was

pregnant.

The father of the child – a Pakistani Muslim illegal migrant – moved into

Chloe’s home. Chloe was subsequently coerced into converting to Islam and

forced into marriage, both to legitimise the pregnancy in the eyes of her abuser

and to assist him in securing a visa. Chloe’s behaviour became tightly controlled.

She was forced to wear a hijab, she was prohibited from looking out the

windows of her home, and, if she misbehaved in the eyes of her “husband,” he

would “beat her black and blue” – something that happened “every day.”

Chloe’s child was born with multiple health problems, including a defective

kidney, due to the deteriorated condition of Chloe’s womb as a result of the

sexual abuse. Nevertheless, becoming a mother gave Chloe a renewed

determination to get her life back on track. She reported the father of her child

to the police after he assaulted the child, and he was removed from the property.

She stopped taking drugs. She was “focused,” and, for the first time, the gangs

left her alone.

One evening, she went out with a friend who lived across the road. Chloe, now a

mother, did not drink heavily, but her friend became heavily intoxicated. A

group of Asian men started speaking to them, and offered to take Chloe and her

friend home. Chloe was suspicious of them, but, for the sake of her friend,

agreed. Instead of taking them home, however, they were taken to a hotel.

Chloe, who was not drunk, protested, and encouraged her friend – who was

“paralytic” – to leave with her. Chloe warned her friend about what she

suspected was going to happen, but her friend refused to leave. Chloe, thinking

of her daughter and seeking to protect herself, reluctantly left without her. The

following day, Chloe’s friend told Chloe that she had been raped by the men.

This incident represented a turning point in Chloe’s life. She decided that she

needed to leave her home town for good and “get as far away from these Asian

men as possible.” By chance, she reconnected on Facebook with a man she had

known in her early childhood – an old colleague of her mother who she

describes as “one of the only adult men in my life who never harmed me or

treated me badly.” She told him about everything she had been through and her

desire to leave. He lived in Scotland and she was invited to visit him for the

weekend, which she did.

After returning home, she sought support from Women’s Aid, who managed to

secure her a property in Scotland. With nothing but her daughter and a small

bag, she left her home town, leaving a lifetime of abuse and exploitation behind,

and moved to Scotland, where she resides to this day.

Chloe personally knows at least twenty other girls from her area who were

predated on by the Muslim gangs who abused her. The pattern was always the

same: grooming, drugging, trafficking, abuse, and rape. Furthermore, Chloe

describes being taken into mosques where imams would describe non-Muslims

as “infidels” and preach that white women who dressed “inappropriately” were

“free game.”

Chloe believes that the local police, social services, NHS, and government were

all fully aware of what was happening, including the racialised nature of the

crimes, but that they did not intervene for two reasons: because they “could not

be bothered with the paperwork,” and because “they did not want to be seen as

racist.” Chloe blames these bodies, and their “major push for diversity,” for her

abuse.

Chloe says that “if I can save just even one more child, girl or boy, from going

through any of this, then I’ve done my job.”

Fiona

Fiona grew up in a highly abusive household marked by domestic violence,

severe emotional abuse, and repeated suicide attempts by her mother, which

Fiona witnessed. Despite exceptional academic ability, she developed serious

mental health difficulties, self-harm behaviours, and suicidal ideation from a

young age.

After escalating abuse and failed disclosures, Fiona entered care at the age of 13.

She was placed in a children’s home that had already been identified as high-risk

for sexual exploitation in a television documentary prior to her arrival.

Inadequate supervision meant she went missing repeatedly. At 13, she was

groomed by adult Pakistani men, whom she estimates were aged between 24 and

45. The grooming began with affection and alcohol, quickly progressing to rape,

drug dependency, threats, and trafficking.

Care staff negligence was extreme. Abusers would sit in cars outside waiting for

the girls, openly converse with staff, and even phone the home to inquire about

them. One care worker told Fiona’s mother that her boss had described

recording the men’s car registration plates as “above her pay grade,” warning

that she would lose her job if she did so. Fiona believes the staff were aware of

what was happening but felt powerless to stop it rather than being actively

complicit. Nevertheless, the children’s home received £5,000 per week to care for

her and failed miserably. Fiona suspects the management avoided proper

investigation for fear of being labelled racist.

Only the police took any formal action, issuing “harbouring notices” to the men

– official warnings stating they had no permission to associate with, contact, or

house a vulnerable child. However, no further action followed. When Fiona’s

mother called the police to report her daughter missing and mentioned a history

of abuse by Asian men, the call handler told her: “You can’t describe them as

Asian men because that’s racist. You should just be glad your child is being

taught a different culture.” On one occasion, a police officer returned Fiona to

the house where the abuse was occurring and told the men to “have fun with

her.” On another occasion, police instructed the abusers that if they could

persuade Fiona to sign herself out of care, the police would stop bothering them.

The gang then tried to convince her to do so, intending to traffic her to Kashmir.

She was only prevented from leaving the country because she did not have a

passport.

Between 2008 and 2012, Fiona was repeatedly raped by multiple men connected

to organised grooming networks. She was often kept in a house known as a

“party house,” where between 10 and 20 men would attend at one time. On one

occasion, she was encouraged to bring her friends because the owner had

relatives visiting from Birmingham to celebrate Eid and “expected girls to be

there.” Within the house, the girls were routinely referred to as “white slags,”

while the men wanted Pakistani girls kept “pure” for marriage.

The gangs reportedly discussed fears that the English Defence League (EDL)

would arrive armed, so they kept baseball bats for protection. They also allegedly

spoke of attending EDL demonstrations with weapons.

Fiona was not only trafficked and raped across multiple cities in the UK but was

also forced to traffic drugs. Drugs, intimidation, and violence were used to

control her. She was made to clean up the knives from the scene of two fatal

stabbings. She was present during a shootout. Her abusers bragged to her that

they had hidden dead bodies in a certain location. A few days later, Fiona recalls

the news reporting on a body being recovered from the same location that the

abusers had disclosed to her. As a result, threats of violence carried enormous

weight.

At 14, Fiona was abused by a man known as ‘Rambo.’ He had entered Britain

illegally in the back of a lorry. Previously castrated in Pakistan as punishment

for child abuse, he had then fled to the Philippines, where he allegedly attacked

multiple women and children with a large knife – the origin of his nickname.

Rambo was locked in a room with two girls and subjected them to extreme

sexual torture. This case illustrated that, in some instances, the sexual abuse of

children was driven more by humiliation and control than by sexual

gratification.

At 15, Fiona became pregnant while in a mixed-sex care home. Her son was later

removed and adopted due to the ongoing exploitation risks, yet Fiona herself

was left in the same dangerous environment. The abuse continued into her

adulthood. It only stopped when she turned 18, leaving her with profound

physical and psychological trauma, including PTSD, substance dependency, and

long-term health damage.

Fiona states that the greatest harm came not only from the abusers but from

institutional disbelief, neglect, and punishment that actively enabled the

ongoing exploitation. In total, she estimates she was abused by between 50 and

100 men. Of those, only two were not Pakistani.

‘Michelle’

‘Michelle’ was physically abused in childhood by both her mother and

stepfather. Her mother had multiple partners throughout Michelle’s childhood,

many of whom also abused her – some sexually. She believes this early

experience created an association between abuse and love, leaving her

particularly vulnerable.

From the age of 13, she was groomed by three adult Pakistani brothers who

supplied her with alcohol, cigarettes, and drugs. She was raped while

intoxicated, including one occasion when she was taken upstairs while her sister

tried to intervene. Because of her upbringing, she thought this was normal –

that they were her boyfriends and that they loved her. She would go missing for

extended periods and was subjected to repeated daily sexual abuse. The

perpetrators would collect her from school, her home, and public places, using

threats of violence to coerce and control her.

At age 14, she was gang-raped and beaten by three men who had locked her in a

house. She was left covered in cuts and bruises, which alerted a friend. The

friend told her own mother, who then contacted Michelle’s mother. The police

were called, but they claimed there was little they could do without more

evidence. One of the gang members later forced Michelle to go to the police

station with him to retract her statement. The police accepted him as her

“appropriate adult” – a role normally reserved for a parent, close family member,

social worker, or trained professional. The investigation was subsequently

dropped.

One of Michelle’s friends, who lived in a care home, would be collected directly

outside by the same gang. Care staff would call the police, but officers

reportedly referred to the girls as “prostitutes” despite them being children.

Both social services and the police, Michelle says, failed to understand the

situation and believed the girls were engaging in the activity by choice. As a

result, little was done to intervene. When she was abducted and went missing,

no one came looking for her. A social worker once told her that, at age 14, she

would be allowed to live with her 30-year-old “boyfriend” as long as they did not

share a room.

Michelle was raped in bin sheds, threatened with a knife, and forced into sex

with multiple men waiting in cars. She was drugged, beaten, burned with

cigarettes, locked in rooms, and passed between men. An amusement arcade was

used as a front for drug dealing and the sexual exploitation of children. She

became pregnant four times as a child as a result of rape, leading to miscarriages,

one abortion, and one surviving child. Of her abusers, she states: “98% of them

were Pakistani Muslim. If not, they were Iraqi Muslim or Kurdish.”

Michelle believes these gangs have remained untouchable because authorities

feared being labelled racist.She describes an extensive network of abusers

operating across the entire country, calling it “industrial” in scale. It functions as

a large central network with smaller connected groups in specific localities.

Michelle claims she was raped by between six and seven hundred different men

over the course of three years. She now lives with severe PTSD and lifelong

trauma, describing both her childhood and her future as destroyed.

‘Whitney’

‘Whitney’ grew up in a vulnerable household. Her mother suffered from severe

mental health issues, and her father was absent from her life.

She was first groomed and sexually abused at the age of 15 by two adult

Pakistani brothers. One of the brothers, Whitney recalls, acted as a boyfriend

figure. Both brothers would regularly take her to a flat in Birmingham, supply

her with alcohol, and in her words she would “have sex with them.”

Their interactions with Whitney soon turned violent. They began beating her

and, on one occasion, held a hot iron to her face. Whitney recalls that the

brothers stopped contacting her after they arrived at her house to collect her

and found all of her uncles sitting on the wall outside. After that incident, they

never came back. She cannot remember exactly how or why her uncles were

there, but she believes her mother had asked them to intervene.

Many years later, Whitney’s daughter began self-harming at age eleven and even

attempted suicide. Her phone contained sexually explicit messages. Whitney’s

daughter told her there was a “sex room” at school run by the older boys. Deeply

concerned for her daughter, Whitney contacted social services. They offered

little support beyond talking through the problems. In one instance, social

services accidentally sent her six other children’s case files instead of her

daughter’s, which left her deeply distrustful of their ability to help.

Whitney’s daughter was coerced into sending a sexual image, which was then

circulated across multiple schools, the local community, and eventually the

internet. This led to her receiving unwanted attention from adult men of various

ethnicities and from multiple countries. From that point on, Whitney’s daughter

began going missing regularly. These disappearances were directly linked to

sexual demands and exploitation by older boys and adult men.

She was threatened with violence if she contacted the police and sometimes

returned home with items of clothing missing. Whitney repeatedly reported her

concerns to the police and social services, clearly stating that she believed her

daughter was being sexually exploited. Police responses were often delayed,

statements were not taken, and investigations were closed without further

action. Social services refused to relocate the family, downgraded the risk level,

and eventually closed the case despite ongoing exploitation.

Whitney herself was blamed, and her own past was used to undermine her

credibility as a parent. Her family received repeated threats, including warnings

that their house would be burned down, faces would be slashed, and machetes

would be used. Later, Whitney discovered that her daughter had been placed on

the National Referral Mechanism (NRM) as a trafficking victim – without her

being informed. The NRM is the UK's official framework for identifying,

referring, and supporting victims of human trafficking and modern slavery and

serves as a recognition by a designated professional that an individual is a

potential victim of human trafficking or modern slavery.

‘Sally’

‘Sally’ is the mother of a daughter who was found guilty of nine counts of

perverting the course of justice for lying about being groomed by an Asian

grooming gang and sentenced to eight years in prison. Despite this, Sally

believes there is evidence to suggest her daughter was a genuine victim of the

gangs.

Sally described a previously stable, working family life until housing instability

and family stress coincided with changes in her daughter’s behaviour. The house

the family were buying fell through, but they had already moved out of their

family home and all their possessions were in storage. A family friend was able

to rent them a part-renovated property on a short-term basis, but it was not

ideal for a family with four children. It was only meant to be temporary, but the

family ended up staying there for ten months.

Her daughter began making up stories, such as claiming her mother and stepdad

were going away and leaving her to look after her five-year-old brother at school.

This resulted in school involvement in their family life. The stresses the

household was under led to arguments that brought in both the police and social

services. After leaving school at 16, Sally’s daughter began working at a local

pub.

On one occasion she was invited to a party. Sally received a call later that

evening from one of her daughter’s friends saying that her daughter was lying on

the pavement outside the property. If Sally couldn’t pick her up, they were going

to take her to the bus stop and leave her there, as she was making too much

noise. When her mother found her lying on the ground, she was making a

horrendous wailing sound and kept saying not to touch her. Her mother

recognised that something was seriously wrong and took her to hospital.

Sally’s daughter told the nurse carrying out the examination that she had been

sexually assaulted. The hospital notes recorded that her genitalia were swollen

and red. The hospital reported the incident to the police. Sally’s daughter then

received threats via Snapchat, became scared about the outcome of the case, and

withdrew from the process. Around the same time, social services closed their

case on the family. Sally believes her daughter did not want to invite more

trouble into the household.

It later emerged in court that they had all been smoking cannabis. Sally believes

her daughter had participated and that something had happened to her, but she

was found guilty of lying about being raped.

Sally’s daughter then began working as a kitchen assistant at a care home and a

glass collector at a nightclub, in addition to her pub job. After turning 18, she

was able to work behind the bar at the nightclub, where her behaviour began to

change. She would return home with cuts and bruises. On one occasion she came

back with a black eye and said there had been a fight in the nightclub and she

had been hit accidentally. She appeared more tired and distressed than usual.

Sally began to notice that her daughter’s phone would ring regularly, with

“Asian” men’s names appearing on the screen. When asked about them, her

daughter tried to hide the calls. The bar manager stopped her daughter from

working on the main floor because she was small and they struggled to keep

track of her. They also ensured she was always paired with an older member of

staff, as the “Asian” men would harass her if she was working alone. One “Asian”

man gifted her a gold chain.

Sally’s daughter began saying she wanted to move away from home. She had

regularly travelled to a nearby town by train. Sally would pick her up and drop

her off at the station, and she never appeared to have been drinking or using

drugs. One day, Sally returned home to find her daughter had left with her

possessions and was ignoring her calls. She had told work colleagues that she had

moved because her stepfather was harming her, but this was not true.

After a few days of investigation, Sally managed to find where her daughter had

moved to. When she arrived at the flat, she found her daughter with two police

officers to whom she was reporting an allegation of rape. When her daughter

handed in her phone as evidence, the police found hundreds of messages from

“Asian” men. They believed she was being groomed. She was later found guilty of

lying about the rape she had reported.

Over the course of the following year, Sally reported her daughter missing

thirty-nine times. She would often turn up in various towns across the region,

battered, bruised, intoxicated or on drugs. She was usually without underwear

and spent increasing amounts of time in hospital. One police force made a

referral to the NRM, believing she was a victim of trafficking. Another police

force repeatedly arrested her and seized her phone, which meant the referral

agency could not contact her as her number kept changing.

One incident involved Sally’s daughter being locked in a room above an Indian

restaurant, with the man refusing to let her leave. The police ignored it,

believing she was lying. Another incident involved an “Asian” man following

her, trying to grab her and take her away. Thankfully she was with her sister and

friends, who quickly put her in a taxi and sent her home. That same man was

later arrested for breaking into a woman’s house and sexually assaulting her

while she slept – nevertheless, the police still insisted Sally’s daughter had been

lying about the earlier incident. The police believed she had a mental health

condition and was deliberately self-harming and putting herself in dangerous

situations. They wanted to have her sectioned, but a doctor disagreed, noting

that she still had capacity.

Another incident involved a different “Asian” man who refused to leave Sally’s

daughter’s flat. Police told him to leave but asked no questions. He left behind a

balaclava, yet the police showed no interest despite him carrying it while visiting

a young woman. After her flat door was kicked down in yet another incident

while she was missing, she returned to her mother’s home.

Sally’s daughter later explained that she had moved away to keep her family safe.

She claimed she had been told that if she did not do as her abusers said, they

would harm her brother, rape her sister, and firebomb the house. She had lied to

her colleagues about her stepdad to avoid bringing repercussions on the family.

She went missing again. The police stated they believed she was making the

whole thing up and injuring herself, so they charged her with perverting the

course of justice. Part of her bail conditions required her not to leave Sally’s

house. The following week, her daughter attempted suicide by overdose. She

went missing one final time and was found in a field with injuries to her head

and ear, a severed finger, and numerous cuts and bruises.

Following this, she wrote a post on Facebook alleging that she had been a victim

of grooming gangs. The post went viral. Within half an hour, the police arrested

her and she was sent to prison.

Following her daughter’s conviction, the family experienced sustained

harassment and intimidation, particularly from one Muslim man. Sally reports

repeated failures by the police to protect them. She believes her daughter was a

vulnerable young woman who lied at times but was nevertheless groomed.

Marlon

Marlon is the father of a daughter who was a repeated victim of grooming as

well as being repeatedly failed by authorities.

Marlon reported his 14-year-old daughter Scarlett missing a number of times

because she was being groomed and exploited. The police informed social

services that what Marlon was doing was appropriate as he was acting to

safeguard his daughter. However, social services did not accept the police’s

assessment and instead dragged out the investigation for three months. During

that time his daughter disclosed concerns to her school, which resulted in social

services attending Marlon’s home. While his daughter was present they told him

that if he tried to stop her from leaving the house she should call social services

or the police.

Social services undermining his parental authority resulted in her missing

episodes escalating dramatically. Social services effectively gave her permission

to go missing, and the case was then closed without meaningful intervention.

Marlon placed a formal complaint to social services stating that he was

struggling to cope with his daughter's missing episodes. The social worker

assigned to him following this openly stated to him that they were only taking

the case because of his complaint. This made him feel like the problem rather

than a parent concerned with safeguarding his daughter from abuse.

On one occasion Marlon stood in front of the door to prevent his daughter from

leaving late at night resulting in her repeatedly kicking him and breaking three

of his fingers. He reported this to social services who simply stated he should

walk away when she becomes violent. Even after showing them the bruises on

his back that he received as he walked away they did not change the advice they

gave. Marlon remains convinced that if his child were male and he were female

the response would have been different.

Marlon would often spend his evenings driving in search of his daughter until

three or four am while having work the following day, which his employer was

not supportive of. He often reported her missing to the police, who would

sometimes turn up to his house many hours later. On one occasion he saw

footage of the police saying not to bother even waking him. This made him feel

more like a problem rather than it being the safeguarding emergency that it was.

Scarlett was unlawfully excluded from school due to grooming-related behaviour

and assigned a new school where the grooming gang operated. A multi-agency

risk management meeting was eventually convened with children’s services and

the police’s Missing from Home team. While the meeting was ongoing one of the

police officers in attendance told Marlon to stop reporting his daughter missing.

Marlon challenged this which resulted in the police officer shouting at him in

front of all in attendance. The officer has since been dismissed. The social worker

and manager present did not intervene but privately acknowledged he was right

to continue to report his daughter missing. They refused to launch a formal

complaint against the officer.

Shortly after this his daughter went missing for several days and was eventually

found at Marlon’s mother’s house, unkempt, distressed and stating that she had

been raped. Care staff returned her to the location of the rape, thereby

destroying forensic opportunities, and failed to report it to police until days

later. Marlon had to make his own referral to the rape crisis centre, by which

time forensic evidence was lost.

The perpetrator was arrested but bailed with the condition not to contact

Marlon’s daughter. Immediately upon leaving the station he called her and

threatened her life. He was an adult and drug dealer and his associates soon

began attending Marlon’s home. His daughter was terrified of them. An older

woman began to groom and manipulate Marlon’s daughter under the guise of

friendship.

After another missing episode Marlon was able to trace his daughter to a

specific property. Despite repeated calls and reports of men entering the

property both police and social services failed to remove her or issue an

abduction warning notice. His daughter was later found to be the victim of

criminal exploitation, including drug supply, prostitution and being forced to

dig up a firearm. These acts were directed by the older woman amongst others.

At this point the impact on Marlon was catastrophic. He was physically

exhausted, anxious, depressed and lived in constant fear. He was attacked by

masked individuals in his home with the police response delayed and dismissive.

Marlon’s daughter was eventually taken into secure care where she was subjected

to further abuse, including sexual abuse by staff and other children, neglect, and

safeguarding failures. Marlon made multiple complaints. At a court hearing,

social services attempted to place his daughter on a child protection plan for

emotional abuse and neglect by Marlon himself. However, the judge intervened

and ordered this to be amended to be recorded as beyond parental control.

Marlon’s daughter continued to be moved between unsuitable placements. She

was groomed repeatedly, trafficked, forced into drug supply, and raped by adult

men. She became pregnant as a result of rape. The handling of her termination

by professionals was traumatic and negligent. Police later charged Scarlett with

intent to supply Class A drugs, despite her being a victim of trafficking and on

the National Referral Mechanism. Scarlett was placed in a unit run entirely by

male Muslim staff where she was groomed again. Racist abuse and extremist

comments were made to her. Marlon again raised concerns which were ignored.

Despite his repeated attempts to help his daughter, he has experienced many

instances of violence from her as a result of the trauma and grooming. He has

experienced many assaults, received black eyes and had to sleep barricaded in his

room. He repeatedly requested domestic abuse support but was refused because

he was a male parent. He has been forced to complete parenting courses and

blamed for his daughter’s abuse.

The whole experience has harmed Marlon financially, emotionally and

psychologically. He states it has destroyed his life. He is no longer the person he

used to be. Marlon’s case highlights that parents can also be victims of both

grooming networks as well as widespread institutional failure.

If you would like to hear Marlon’s story in greater detail, he has recently

published a book about his experiences titled In Plain Sight (2026).

‘Wallace’

‘Wallace’s’ early childhood in Scotland was marked by poverty, instability and a

lack of consistent adult protection. His mother suffered from mental health and

substance misuse problems. She struggled to comprehend the situations she put

her son in and often failed to intervene, which allowed Wallace’s abuse to

continue. Wallace’s mother psychologically and emotionally abused him

throughout his childhood.

From a young age, adult men moved in and out of his life, and he was

encouraged to refer to them as “dad” or “uncle.” This made it seem normal that

adult men would be around him as a child. He was moved around many

different home environments and learned to accept situations without question.

His early experiences made him believe that adults could enter his personal

space without consent, that fear should be tolerated, and that he had no control.

Wallace’s earliest memory of abuse occurred when he was four or five years old,

when an adult came into his bedroom at night and got into bed with him. He

could not identify who it was but instinctively knew it was wrong. His main

abusers were his mother’s partner and the partner’s brother, who both exercised

authority over Wallace and were treated as trusted adults. They were connected

to a biker group in the area. Not all members of the group were involved in the

abuse, but a core group of men were.

Wallace recalls being taken to a particular house where multiple men were

present. It had a dark atmosphere, lit by candles, possibly snake-shaped candle

holders placed near the fireplace. The setting felt deliberate and staged. Multiple

adults were sitting around watching him, which instinctively made him feel

unsafe. He was led into a bedroom, restrained and raped by an adult.

His mother’s partner’s brother spoke to him as if what had just happened was

normal, despite the considerable pain and emotional distress he felt. Wallace

asked if he would receive a toy for what had happened. He did receive one, but

it was cheap and insignificant. Even then he realised that there was no real

compensation for what had happened to him. The same pattern of abuse

occurred on multiple occasions.

Wallace recalls seeing other boys and girls present who were usually restrained

and drugged. He also recalls being drugged himself and losing consciousness. He

would often wake alone or with other abused children, disoriented and

distressed. This has caused long-term psychological damage.

At one point the police raided the property. They took Wallace outside and

showed him adults one by one, asking if he recognised them. He had been

coached to say these men were his “uncles,” and that is what he said. He

associated authority figures with fear and wanted to avoid saying what he

believed might be the wrong thing. As a result, the police intervention did not

protect him. No safeguarding followed and he returned to the abusive

environment.

The signs of abuse were there and only reinforced Wallace’s view that speaking

out would not lead to safety. As an adult he eventually attempted to report what

had happened to him, a disclosure which took years. He expected to be treated

as a victim of serious childhood sexual abuse, but instead his disclosure was

treated as a mental health issue. He was asked to provide psychiatric and

medical notes before any proper investigation would take place. The lack of

seriousness from the authorities resulted in Wallace’s statements being recorded

improperly.

Due to this experience he made complaints to the police, to professional bodies

including the General Medical Council, and to other oversight organisations.

Each process was slow, fragmented and obstructive and continued for years

without resolution. During this time he was forced to relive his experiences

repeatedly while being met with scepticism. At no point was his well-being

considered, which further compounded his trauma as he once again felt

dismissed, disbelieved and unprotected.

Owing to Wallace’s abuse he has experienced long-term psychological harm. This

harm has affected his education, relationships, sense of self-worth and his ability

to feel safe. He wishes for his abusers and the authorities who failed to act to be

held to account, and for his story to help protect other children from similar

harm.

Sebastian

Sebastian was raised in Scotland in a stable household. Sebastian’s mother held

down a professional job, owned her own home and car, and the family regularly

went on holidays together. Despite this relatively secure background, which was

not typical of abuse victims, Sebastian was raped and abused from the age of six

by family members – without Sebastian’s mother’s knowledge. These family

members instilled in Sebastian the belief that, to be safe, you had to give them

what they wanted. This led Sebastian to develop a transactional view of

interpersonal relationships.

At age eleven, Sebastian was introduced by these abusive family members to a

local café owner. The owner gave Sebastian free food, lifts in his car, and free

cinema tickets to build trust and a sense of obligation. From there, they began

prostituting Sebastian out to a number of people. These included seemingly

respectable professionals such as estate agents, solicitors, care support workers

for children, and even police officers. Even at boarding school, Sebastian was

raped, assaulted, and groomed by staff and connected adults, with Sebastian’s

injuries often ignored by medical professionals. All of Sebastian’s abusers were

White British.

In adulthood and during the final years of the abuse, Sebastian became aware of

the wider operation of the grooming networks, both in a quiet rural area and in

the city. At the age of 40, Sebastian was finally able to escape a cycle of abuse

that had lasted for nearly four decades. Following years of abuse, Sebastian, born

a biological female, transitioned to the opposite sex and now identifies as a trans

man. Sebastian transitioned socially at 41 and medically at 48. However, when

describing the abuse experienced as a child, it remains important for Sebastian

to recognise that these events occurred while living as a girl and perceived as

such.

Sebastian acknowledges that this transition was, at least in part, a consequence

of the abuse experienced, and feels safer from further abuse when presenting as a

man. Sebastian recognises the profound impact trauma can have on a person’s

life and believes that different people find different ways to cope. For some, that

may mean choosing a particular career or relationship or making unhealthy

choices by using substances or alcohol; for Sebastian, transition and finding

peace in being “Seb” became the pathway to recovery.

Sebastian describes healing from trauma as a form of transformation. For

Sebastian, that transformation has involved a change of personal identity and

finding a sense of safety never known while living as a female. Sebastian

understands that others may not fully understand the paths people take to cope

with trauma, but hopes that at the very least, they will try to understand.

Sebastian now advocates for other survivors, with the aim of protecting

vulnerable people and helping to develop local measures to prevent child abuse.

‘Anna’

Anna was raised in a stable, middle-class household with both parents present.

She first experienced abuse at the age of 13 by a perpetrator who was almost 18,

whom she met through friends. He began their interactions with what is known

as “love-bombing”: he complimented her, messaged her regularly, offered to buy

her gifts and alcohol, requested photographs of her, and discussed meeting up.

They arranged to meet at a local bus stop and go into town. At the last minute,

he changed the plan and asked Anna to meet him at the end of a path in a

nearby woodland. Upon arrival, his demeanour was cold and aggressive. He

demanded that Anna perform oral sex on him and threatened to tell people she

knew that she had sent him explicit photographs and that they had already had

sex. Feeling threatened and fearful, she complied.

Unbeknownst to Anna, he had covertly recorded the incident. A few days later,

multiple men added her on Snapchat and began mocking and taunting her. The

perpetrator himself sent Anna the video, laughed, and told her he had shared it

with his “boys and brothers,” leaving her feeling humiliated, fearful, and

traumatised.Anna reported the assault to the police, but despite explaining the

coercion and threats, the case was closed with no investigation into the creation

or distribution of child sexual abuse material.

Rumours spread rapidly among Anna’s peers, and she was mocked and insulted

in public. A year later, Anna encountered three Muslim brothers through a

friend who was already being groomed and abused by them. They supplied her

with alcohol and cigarettes in a public park and waited until she was heavily

intoxicated before they began assaulting her. One of the brothers pulled her

behind a tree and groped her chest despite her repeated refusals. When she tried

to flee, he pushed her violently against the tree, causing her to hit her head and

suffer a concussion.

The grooming continued through threats to her family, intimidation, verbal

abuse, and cycles of affection, gifts, and coercion. Anna did not feel safe

reporting the abuse to the police. On another occasion, she was again supplied

with alcohol. One of the brothers grabbed her body violently, dug his fingernails

into her, and yanked at her underwear repeatedly while laughing. Anna cried

silently, feeling powerless to stop the assault. Afterwards, she tried to cut

contact, but one of the brothers located her and banged on the door shouting

while she hid inside until he left. Out of fear, she complied with further

demands to meet the brothers, resulting in more assaults.

There was a period of nearly four years before any trial was held, largely due to

the COVID-19 pandemic. The perpetrators used this time to spread rumours

portraying the abuse as consensual and to boast about the assaults. In the

courtroom, the abuse and intimidation continued: they pulled faces, pointed

and laughed at her, and made rude remarks about her appearance. This

behaviour was not addressed by the court. One of the brothers was convicted of

sexual assault and, as he was taken into custody, shouted “Allahu Akbar.”

At the sentencing, the brother’s sister shouted abuse at Anna, threatened her,

and later breached her anonymity online. She blamed the jury, stating they were

“all white.” She was eventually arrested and charged with malicious

communications.

Anna states there is a broader failure to confront the role of ethnicity, religion,

and cultural dynamics in organised sexual exploitation due to fear of accusations

of racism.

‘Taylor’

‘Taylor’ was introduced at the age of twelve to older men through her friends,

many of whom were adult Muslim men. They began by giving her lifts home

from school, sometimes in black cabs and sometimes in their own cars. Taylor

saw the men buying gifts for her friends and initially wished she could receive

gifts too.

On one occasion, instead of being taken to school, she was driven to one of the

men’s sister’s houses and taught how to cook “Asian food.” Her friends spent

more time with the men, but because her parents expected her to come straight

home after school, she had limited contact with them beyond the lifts. She notes

that her friends were already doing adult things such as smoking, drinking, and

going to clubs, whereas she still had a more child-like disposition.

This dynamic continued for three years until she turned 15, when the abuse

began. She started going with her friends to a restaurant run by Muslim men to

help with deliveries. This escalated when one of the men who worked there – a

35-year-old Bangladeshi man – kissed her, causing her to run away. The same

man later raped her when she was 15. Because her friends were also being abused,

Taylor believed it was normal and that the man was her boyfriend. However,

when she walked in on him with one of her friends, she realised this was not the

case. After this, her behaviour changed dramatically: she began skipping school

and drinking heavily.

During a family incident that led to police being called, Taylor’s father

mentioned his suspicions that she was being abused by Asian men. The police

responded that there was nothing they could do because she had “consented.”

Police were called on multiple occasions regarding the abuse of Taylor and her

friends, but they consistently refused to take action. The only time they helped

her was when a group of “Asian” girls called the police; officers then returned

Taylor and her friend home. Taylor believes they only intervened on that

occasion because they did not want to face accusations of racism, given that the

call came from “Asian” women.

By the age of 16, she had been introduced to many more men and was constantly

harassed by them over the phone. Some men would initially appear kind and

caring, leading her to believe they were in a relationship, only to lure her into

situations where she would be gang-raped. They used a combination of false

kindness, violent abuse, and alcohol to coerce and control her. Cars would stop

in the street and demand she get in. She would be raped and then taken to the

next abuser. She claims that on some nights she was passed to as many as ten

different men, and estimates she was abused by around 100 men in total.

One common tactic used by the gangs was to send taxis to pick up drunk girls

late at night. The driver would pretend to stop at a shop for a drink, then drive

off, leaving the girl behind. A group of men would then “rescue” her, only to

take her to a pre-arranged house for gang rape. A number of women also played

a role in directing girls to their abusers in exchange for gifts and money. These

women would trap the girls in properties or use violence to coerce them. Taylor

has witnessed shootings, had knives held to her throat, and a gun held to her

head. The gangs used the death of one of the other girls as leverage, threatening

that anyone who spoke out would be next.

Realising she had to escape the abuse, Taylor made a detailed twenty-page

statement to the police. She provided the phone numbers of more than one

hundred “Asian” men and showed them messages in which the men threatened

to rape her mother, beat her father, and burn down the family home. No

investigation followed. Both her teachers at school and her GP were aware that

something was seriously wrong but did not pursue their suspicions further.

‘Marie’

‘Marie’ was born in a maternity home for unmarried mothers and grew up with

her mother and grandmother. Her mother was cruel and abusive. She would

deliberately make Marie cry, touch her inappropriately and behave violently. She

would go into school with split lips, black eyes, bruising and marks over her

body. She was never asked what had happened. She was not allowed to go

outside, have friends and was regularly called degrading names.

Viewing her medical record as an adult, there were documented concerns from

around a year old. There were notes of a rash “down below” with question marks

recorded. There were further entries where it was described as a possible nappy

rash, again with question marks. Seven years later a doctor made a note that she

was a child that should be “kept an eye on.” Her mother refused to discuss her

situation with Marie in the room. The record showed that she had significant

bowel and gynaecological problems. Despite the signs of abuse, no safeguarding

action was taken.

From around the age of seven Marie’s mother’s partner began grooming and

sexually abusing her. He would bring her presents and then touch her

inappropriately. Marie said to him what he was doing was “bad” and she did not

like it. He told her that her mother had told him it was allowed. Her mother

would ask “Marie” how she got on with him, demand she had thanked him

“properly” and would threaten to get angry if not. She was complicit and the

abuse continued for many years.

Her mother would deliberately shame her. When Marie began to menstruate she

thought she was dying but her mother told her periods were what “dirty girls”

had. She deliberately gave her sanitary pads that would leak so she could shame

and punish her. If she had a spot on her face she would put a large blob of

Germolene on her face and tell her not to remove it otherwise people would not

know she was “dirty.” When she was unwell her mother would get her partner to

rub Vapour Rub on her chest. Her mother would soak her underwear in bleach

and make her wear it, which still causes Marie discomfort to this day. In one

instance her mother and her partner forced a bottle inside her which was

painful. Her mother would attach clothes pegs on her clitoris to see how long

Marie could last. Marie’s mother also groomed her for others and she had to

share a bed with her.

Marie was taken to another man’s house by her mother’s partner where she was

raped. He began to traffic her to other perpetrators he knew through his work

that operated like an organised group or gang. She became pregnant as a

product of her abuse. On two occasions her mother took her to a woman’s

house. There the woman used a knitting needle to perform the abortions. The

woman’s husband also raped her.

She had bottle tops opened up inside of her vagina, then made to drink what

was in the bottle when she was primary school age. There were instances where

she ran into members of her grooming network who would lure her to a

secluded location and rape her. The abuse she experienced included extreme

sexual violence and degradation. She was raped repeatedly over the years,

including anal rape. She was subjected to penetration with objects. She was

urinated on. Her legs were held open. She was bitten on the back, cut on the leg

and strangled. She has lasting injuries.

Marie attempted to end her own life at school by walking in front of a van. At

college she drank a bottle of vodka and took a box of tablets in an attempt to

kill herself. The college counsellor raised concerns and contacted her GP but

nothing was done. Between leaving school and joining college, at seventeen, she

was groomed by a 55-year-old police sergeant. He knew her background and

claimed that he would catch her attacker and get justice for her. Instead, one

evening he offered to take her out of the house and raped her. He went on to

rape her on another occasion.

Upon becoming an adult she went to a Women’s Aid refuge for safety. They

moved her to a safe location. On one occasion her mother and partner went to

the Women’s Aid office, but they refused to give them information and

introduced additional measures to protect Marie. While in the safe house she

miscarried, a product of her mother’s partner. Following this Marie drunkenly

called her mother and told her what had happened. Even after explaining who

impregnated her, her mother said “We would have loved a baby in the house.”

She went to the police in recent years and told them that she was a survivor of

child sexual abuse and they told her to go away and “sort her head out.” None of

the perpetrators have been brought to justice.

‘Jane’

‘Jane’ grew up in a fractured household. Rarely present, her mother was addicted

to drugs and alcohol, regularly using hash and cocaine during Jane’s childhood.

She tried to end her own life on multiple occasions, and left altogether when

Jane was seven.

Jane’s father had significant mental health issues, though until the age of five she

describes a generally positive relationship with him. However, after meeting a

new partner following the departure of Jane’s mother, he became colder, more

distant, and increasingly abusive. He used his hands, a slipper, and a cane to hit

Jane.

Jane’s mother re-entered her life with a new boyfriend when Jane was 13. The

boyfriend was abusive towards Jane’s mother, and on one occasion raped her in

front of Jane.

It was around this time that Jane’s mother’s drug dealer began grooming her via

Facebook. He had become aware of the fact that Jane was self-harming, and

presented himself as a sympathetic and supportive friend. Jane, vulnerable at the

time, exchanged messages with him for several months.

Eventually, the drug dealer began asking Jane whether she had ever smoked

cigarettes, taken drugs, or had sex. During one half term, he asked to meet with

her. She agreed, and he came to Jane’s father’s house while Jane’s father was at

work, armed with a kosh. He took her up to her bedroom and told her to strip

naked. He said “you may be 13, but you’ve got the body of a woman” and raped

her before promptly leaving.

From then, the drug dealer regularly called Jane and waited outside her school

for her. Jane would hide in the staff room and tell teachers that she did not want

to leave as she knew he would be waiting for her. The staff did not intervene and

would force her to leave the school.

The drug dealer regularly took Jane to his girlfriend’s house where he would give

Jane valium and cannabis. He would also show her the drugs he took, including

heroin, methadone, and crack cocaine. The drug dealer sexually abused Jane

“every day apart from the weekends” for several months.

Jane was misdiagnosed with a personality disorder at this time. She did not tell

anyone about her relationship with the drug dealer until one night during an

argument with her mother, who was drunk. Her mother said “I don’t know why

you are like this” and Jane replied “because I am being fucked by a 50-year-old

man and nobody has noticed.”

The following day, Jane returned from school to the police at her house. The

police insisted that Jane, still just 13, would need to testify in court alone against

the drug dealer. Intimidated, she did not wish to face him, and he was not

prosecuted.

Following the revelation of Jane’s grooming and rape by the drug dealer, Jane’s

father called her a “whore” and told her that he “wished she would just hurry up

and kill herself.” The school accused Jane of using self-harm to manipulate her

father. She was regularly placed in detention and threatened with expulsion due

to falling behind with schoolwork. As a result, Jane became increasingly

disobedient and suicidal.

At the age of 14, Jane began running away from school, taking drugs, and

spending time with men older than her. On one occasion, she took an ‘overdose’

before school in an attempt to end her life . She was taken to hospital after the

staff told her she would have done it in the woods or somewhere private if she

actually wanted to die. Her father then came to the hospital and told her to “try

harder next time as she was wasting everyone’s time. Later that day, she

attempted suicide by cutting her own throat, but failed.

Jane was briefly taken into care at the hospital. She was discharged after less

than a month, and “everybody acted like nothing had happened.” Her father

would not accept her back into the family home, so she was left homeless. Jane

spent a short period of time staying with friends, until social services was

informed about her situation by her aunt. Jane refused to return home,

disclosing to social services that she was being physically abused and showed

them the bruises on her body. She was then briefly taken into foster care, before

being moved into a children’s home until she was 16 years old. Jane was then

moved into a semi-independent living facility for vulnerable young people.

After a few months, a female peer at the accommodation invited Jane to what

she described as a “party.” This peer was coercive and intimidating, and Jane did

not feel able to refuse. She was taken to a block of flats in Hounslow, and

expected to be met with a group of people her own age. Instead, the flat was

occupied by six or seven Somali men.

Jane was taken into the bathroom by the girl who had brought her there and

instructed to shave. She was told that she was being sold to the men for sex. Jane

did not want to participate, but complied out of fear. She was then sexually

abused by one of the men, and made to sleep in a small child’s bed afterwards.

The following morning, the girl who took Jane to the flat was paid by the men.

This occurred repeatedly over a period of months, sometimes with multiple

other girls present. Jane was told that she needed to gain weight to be more

desirable to the men. In response, Jane began purging, which developed into a

severe eating disorder.

Jane was blackmailed with the threat of prison by the peer if she disclosed her

exploitation to anyone. Violence and intimidation became commonplace at the

semi-independent living facility. On one occasion, a young woman returned to

the accommodation intoxicated and distressed, saying that she had been

abducted and sexually assaulted. The staff – who were aware that sexual

exploitation was taking place on the site, but chose to do nothing about it –

responded by accusing her of making it up.

Eventually, Jane disclosed her own sexual exploitation to accommodation staff,

including the trafficking and exchange of money. She was told that what was

happening did not constitute trafficking as she was over the age of 16. The police

were not contacted and no action was taken. Jane was blackmailed by staff with

the threat of being blamed for the exploitation of her and others if she took her

complaints any further.

Jane’s eating disorder intensified, and she began self-harming again. She was

sectioned under the Mental Health Act and admitted to a psychiatric hospital.

While hospitalised, she disclosed the exploitation again. Police interviews took

place, but – due to her being heavily medicated – Jane was treated as an

unreliable witness and no further action was taken. She also disclosed in writing

what was happening to her. It was removed from her most recent social care file,

but the original clearly states she wrote a letter to them a year before she was

hospitalised and her police interview matched the letter. The letter was not

acted on by the authorities.

As a result of her abuse and eating disorder, Jane has developed endometriosis,

which has resulted in the loss of half her uterus.

Jane has since learned that her records at the semi-independent living facility

have been lost or destroyed despite statutory retention requirements. Even into

adulthood, Jane has not received any closure and attempts to get justice have

been met with delays, obstruction, and retraumatisation. Jane states that she

believes that children remain at risk due to the culture of silence that persists

across institutions that should be caring for them.

‘Leanne’

‘Leanne’ describes a childhood marked by extreme instability, domestic violence,

fear, and early trauma. From a young age she was exposed to abuse within her

family, including sexual abuse by her uncle, which severely damaged her ability

to trust adults or disclose harm. Frequent moves, school disruption, ADHD,

bullying, and exclusions compounded her vulnerability.

By the age of 14, Leanne was drawn into peer groups linked to significantly older

men. These men were adult males, primarily of Kurdish, Iraqi, and other Muslim

backgrounds, and they operated in groups. Grooming was systematic: alcohol,

drugs, accommodation, and emotional manipulation were used to entrap her.

She was taken to various houses in Sheffield (notably Pitsmoor) and other cities,

where multiple girls were trafficked and sexually exploited.She was raped

repeatedly, drugged, and on at least one occasion held captive and beaten for

several days. She witnessed stabbings, shootings, and machete attacks, handled

firearms as a child, and was forced into environments of extreme violence.

At 15, Leanne became pregnant by an adult Iraqi man. She miscarried, and later

discovered that records had been falsified to suggest she was 16, thereby

minimising the seriousness of the offence. Despite repeated missing episodes,

police intelligence, and sexual exploitation strategy meetings, safeguarding

failed. The council housing department refused to assist her due to her age.

Child protection plans were implemented but did not remove her from danger.

Social services and police were aware she was associating with older Kurdish

men and at high risk of sexual exploitation, yet intervention was weak and

inconsistent. No perpetrator was prosecuted for her rape. She eventually escaped

exploitation only after becoming a mother at 17 and moving away from the

grooming network.

As an adult, Leanne lives with chronic physical and psychological harm,

including trauma-related fibromyalgia. She has never received justice. She gave

her evidence to ensure that what happened is finally acknowledged and not

repeated.

‘Lilly’

‘Lilly’ was raised in a large, loving working family in the 1970s. Her family’s life

was permanently destabilised when the council forced them out of their cottage

to build flats. They were evicted from their home and moved into two council

houses. This was the first time anyone in the family had lived on a council estate.

After moving onto the council estate, trouble began immediately. One older boy

attempted to take Lilly’s hand from her mother when she was five years old. Her

mother reported it to the police, but it was treated as a joke. Years later, the

same person went on to rape a three-year-old.

This perpetrator and his brother then began targeting the family. They harassed

Lilly’s mother and beat her father badly. This created an atmosphere of constant

fear and chaos. The police frequently attended the family home, turning over

belongings and breaking possessions while investigating false accusations.

Over time, Lilly and her siblings were taken into care. Siblings who returned

home disclosed severe abuse in children’s homes, including rape, violence,

humiliation, and intimidation. Lilly herself was groomed and repeatedly

abducted and raped by a man from the age of six. He threatened to harm her

sisters if she spoke.

Lilly’s sister was sexually abused by her own social worker at age twelve. This

was actively covered up by management, who pretended he was in a relationship

with another social worker to deflect suspicion. He gained legal guardianship of

Lilly’s sister and eventually married her. He was paid by the local authority, and

her sister never completed her education. Lilly witnessed children being selected

by staff and handed over to foreign taxi drivers over many years.

In the children’s home, Lilly was violently assaulted and sexually abused by staff.

Management figures dismissed or covered up the abuse. She also suffered

numerous violent injuries from staff. The most serious was a head injury that

resulted in lasting neurological damage. Later in adulthood, she was diagnosed

with a brain aneurysm. After returning to school with serious injuries, Lilly was

sent back home to her parents. At age fourteen, upon returning to the estate, she

was gang-raped by older men and boys. She did not report it to the police.

As an adult, Lilly learned that police and council records of her abuse had been

hidden for decades. Operation Marmion briefly acknowledged her account

before being shut down at a senior level. She was told the perpetrators were out

of jurisdiction, dead, or untraceable. No one was held accountable.

‘Grace’

‘Grace’ was raised without a father and with a mother who met her basic

physical needs but was emotionally cold, neither nurturing nor affectionate. She

believes this early life experience contributed to a lack of emotional security and

increased vulnerability later in life. At four years old, she was sexually abused by

a babysitter. She has no memory of the abuse and states that it does not directly

trouble her emotionally.

Grace’s mother prevented contact with her estranged father without giving any

reason, causing Grace to rebel against her. By secondary school age, her

behaviour had deteriorated significantly. She began getting into cars with adult

men who offered her cannabis, music, food and lifts. She states that the majority

of the men who groomed her were Pakistani, although some white men acted as

intermediaries and assisted in the grooming of girls.

She was raped on multiple occasions by adult men, often while intoxicated.

Because she had been drinking, she believed she was responsible for the abuse.

At fifteen, she believed she was in a relationship with an adult man, a situation

that lasted around five years. During that time she experienced domestic

violence, rape, and coercive control.

She reported the perpetrators to the police, wishing only to prevent other

children from experiencing abuse. However, the police arrested and interviewed

some of the men about Grace without consulting her in advance or assessing the

potential impact on her. She felt pushed into prosecution without adequate

preparation or support. She found the process abrupt and poorly explained. As a

consequence of the police’s handling of the case, she experienced flashbacks,

panic attacks, and a relapse into substance misuse.

Another partner was a paedophile involved in grooming gangs who sexually

abused her children and others. He stalked, harassed and threatened the family,

and manipulated police investigations for years. Police repeatedly failed to seize

devices, link cases, act on stalking logs, or protect her and her children.

Non-molestation orders and bail conditions were breached without

consequence. The cumulative impact includes severe mental illness,

displacement, loss of employment, and ongoing fear.

Victoria

Victoria gave evidence as the mother of a vulnerable teenager who started at a

local college in 2022.

In 2023, her daughter abruptly converted to Islam. Victoria discovered Muslim

clothing, a Quran, and a prayer mat hidden under her bed. Her daughter began

quoting the Quran and praying five times a day. This sudden change coincided

with a secret relationship with an Algerian Muslim student who held strong

Islamic beliefs. She became disrespectful to her family and started speaking

negatively about Britain. Victoria says her daughter changed completely.

The boyfriend exerted coercive control: he held her daughter’s banking details

via Face ID, controlled her social media, isolated her from her family, and

imposed strict Islamic practices. Concerned by this, Victoria contacted the

police and reported the controlling behaviour and sudden conversion. The police

said they would refer her daughter to social services, as she was still a child.

When social services visited, they learned her daughter was being made to take

contraception. They also discussed the nature of her new Islamic beliefs. The

social worker said she would refer her to Women’s Aid for support with the

coercive and controlling relationship. Victoria asked the social worker to look

into the partner’s background, but the college did not respond to the social

worker’s inquiries. Victoria then contacted the college’s safeguarding lead

herself. The lead agreed it sounded like exploitation and referred the case to

Prevent – the British government’s counter-terrorism programme designed to

safeguard vulnerable people from radicalisation and terrorism.

Her daughter’s diet changed dramatically: she stopped eating bacon and ate far

less than before. She spent a lot of time in and out of hospital but never

explained why to her mother. Her mental health also deteriorated severely. After

meeting the man, she repeatedly attempted suicide by cutting and made

desperate calls saying she would kill herself. During one emergency hospital stay,

police removed her daughter from Victoria, threatened Victoria with arrest, and

transported the girl to the address of her abuser’s brother – despite Victoria’s

explicit warnings about the danger.

There, her daughter was subjected to mental and physical abuse, including

strangulation, death threats, rape, and financial exploitation. Money was

funnelled through the abuser’s brother’s bank account. The man and his family

racially abused her, calling her a “white slag,” and pressured her to drop all

complaints and marry him.

Prevent’s involvement was catastrophically delayed. The college’s safeguarding

lead initially told Victoria that referrals had been made and accepted, but later

evidence showed they were sent late, incorrectly, or not at all. Arrests were

delayed for months, and rape allegations were eventually dropped due to lack of

evidence after only limited phone checks. Victoria concluded that systemic

failure and institutional reluctance to address Islamist-related safeguarding had

placed her daughter in grave danger.

‘Eleanor’

‘Eleanor’ was born into a financially comfortable family, but despite this she had

a childhood marked by instability, emotional neglect, and a lack of adult

protection. Her parents separated, and after moving away with her mother and

two sisters, she lived in poorer conditions and saw much less of her father.

Without her extended family around her and with a mother who was

emotionally distant, she was left to grow up largely on her own.

Her desire for adult attention resulted in poor behaviour at school. She was

expelled in Year seven and placed in a pupil referral unit, which she was

eventually excluded from as well. She attributes her disruptive behaviour to a

lack of desire and emotional capacity to engage with her education, as well as

the lack of structure in her life. She was preoccupied with seeking attention,

validation, and care.

By the age of 13 she began to be groomed by older men whom she encountered

locally, usually in the town centre. Some were older white men, but there were

also Muslim men connected to a newly opened restaurant in the area. As the

grooming continued, Eleanor’s behaviour deteriorated significantly. She had

frequent encounters with the police and was arrested often. During this time,

older men gave her drugs and kept her in various houses. She believed these men

were looking after her and offering her the care she craved.

Whilst this was ongoing, her mother was unaware of her location but did not

report her missing. No authority intervened regarding why she was often

missing, arrested, and spending significant amounts of time with adult men.

When she was fourteen, she returned home one day after being away and no one

answered the door. Eleanor climbed onto the roof of the house and managed to

get inside. She discovered the house was completely empty. Her mother had

thrown everything away – including childhood photographs and personal items

– and had left without telling her. She went to social services of her own volition

and was instructed to go to her father. She was expected to travel to him on the

train alone.

She had no meaningful relationship with her father and only spoke to him

occasionally. When Eleanor arrived, he made it clear that his new partner was

his priority and that she and her sisters came second. His partner tried to get

her onto a more stable path and back into education, but due to her previous

exclusions, schools repeatedly refused her. In an ‘ethnic minority’ majority area,

she was explicitly told by one school that she could not be admitted because she

was an English girl and would be the only one. She was placed in a Pupil

Referral Unit, but the behaviour of other students there did little to give her the

sense of safety, structure, and aspiration she needed. She therefore ran away

often.

Frequent running away resulted in repeated arrests, and eventually social

services decided she could be contained in a family setting and took her into

care. While in care, she became more visible and accessible to men who were

already looking for vulnerable girls, and she was once again groomed. On one

occasion, some adult men approached her and offered her alcohol and a lift. She

drank a small amount and quickly became unwell and lost consciousness.

When she awoke, she was aware she was inside a house that appeared to be

decorated for an Asian wedding, but she lost consciousness again. When she

finally awoke properly, she found herself abandoned by the side of the road,

unclothed, injured, and disoriented. She managed to make it back to her

children’s home. However, she was not asked what had happened, taken to

hospital, or had any record made of the incident in her case files.

Following this incident, Eleanor went missing far more frequently. She would

sleep rough in doorways, abandoned buildings, and taxis. No one at the care

home asked her any questions about why this was happening. She was

transferred to a different children’s home where men regularly collected girls

from outside the home and sometimes came inside the building itself. The staff

allowed this to happen. The men offered food, alcohol, places to stay, and a sense

of belonging, but in reality they were there to sexually exploit children.

Eleanor became involved with an older man whom she believed was her

boyfriend. He was involved in the drug trade. She was taken to Jersey and kept

in a hotel for several days. She was not allowed to leave freely. Upon returning to

the care home, no one questioned where she had been. She continued to be

arrested for low-level offences, particularly shoplifting. She was eventually

placed in a young offenders’ institution. On one occasion she was punched while

being arrested, and this experience – among others – destroyed any trust she

had in the police. From this point onwards, she saw the police as just another

threat.

When she was 17, Eleanor was present at a stabbing incident involving men

connected to the grooming network that had been abusing her. She was not

involved in the violence but gave the victim first aid and called emergency

services. She was arrested at the scene and charged under the doctrine of joint

enterprise with conspiracy to commit grievous bodily harm with intent.

The case did not come to trial until two years later, when Eleanor was an adult,

and so she was tried as an adult. She was sentenced to two years in prison. She

believes she was criminalised for circumstances that arose directly from

exploitation, neglect, and systemic failure, rather than being protected from

them.

Following her conviction, Eleanor converted to Islam. She did not do so for

theological reasons but practical ones, as a method of survival. In many

environments she had experienced, Muslim girls were afforded some degree of

protection relative to non-Muslims. She felt that conversion was a way to reduce

risk and make herself less vulnerable.

Before serving her sentence she became pregnant by an older man and entered

into an Islamic marriage with him, believing it might provide stability and

protection. She was imprisoned with her young baby, an experience she found

deeply distressing.

Following her release, she was subjected to domestic abuse and coercive control.

This abuse was not always physical. It involved isolation, monitoring,

restrictions on her behaviour, and the constant erosion of her sense of self. She

was controlled through fear, guilt, and religious obligation. She was not allowed

independence or employment, and others were told she was mentally unwell.

This further isolated her.

She met and remarried another man who took her to Saudi Arabia. She was

entirely dependent on her husband for everything and was not allowed to leave

the house without him. She felt isolated and powerless. This experience made

her realise she needed to leave Islam, but she knew that apostasy carried very

serious consequences and so kept it to herself. However, she was eventually able

to escape Saudi Arabia and return to the United Kingdom with her children.

Back in Britain with no home, work, or money, she was raped by another man,

became pregnant again, and felt forced into another marriage. Her abuse

continued. She eventually escaped the situation after studying in secret and

building up her sense of identity and confidence enough to make a new life for

herself.

Eleanor believes much of the harm she experienced could have been avoided had

institutions adequately protected her. Children’s services did not safeguard her.

The education system excluded her. The police criminalised her.

Rachel

Rachel is the mother of a daughter who died aged twelve after taking an

overdose. Her daughter was a joyful, creative, academically engaged child from a

stable and loving home. She was, however, autistic, which made her more

vulnerable to abuse and exploitation.

Following the lockdown response to COVID-19, her behaviour changed

dramatically and she became withdrawn, depressed, and began self-harming.

Rachel’s daughter disclosed that she had been orally raped by a White British

boy from her school. The disclosure devastated her and her family. When police

eventually attended the family home, she was told it would be “her word against

his,” that the process would take years, and that it involved extensive paperwork.

This interaction caused her to shut down and withdraw her complaint. The

police investigation went no further.

Despite assurances to the contrary, the alleged perpetrator remained in school

and safeguarding was ineffective. She was subjected to relentless bullying,

including physical assaults by girls linked to the perpetrator, which were filmed

and shared online. Police took weeks to respond and failed to act on video

evidence or threats. Rachel’s daughter was abused and threatened on Snapchat

and other platforms daily.

The intimidation escalated when the perpetrator’s adult brother attended the

family home and attempted to force entry. Police advised only that the family

should consider moving house. Rachel’s son was assaulted at school.

On the night of her death, Rachel’s daughter took an overdose of colchicine,

stating she just wanted everything to stop. She suffered multiple organ failure

and died days later. Even after her death the abuse continued.

Rachel believes that her daughter was failed by the police, her school, and the

Crown Prosecution Service. She states that she was effectively murdered by

institutional failure.

Jen

Jen’s childhood was characterised by emotional neglect and a lack of safety. Her

emotional needs were not recognised or prioritised by the adults in her life,

particularly her parents, who were absent much of the time. Within the wider

family context boundaries were blurred and inappropriate dynamics were

normalised – for example, family members introduced her to drugs and alcohol

around the age of 13.

Throughout secondary school, Jen was bullied, but staff did little to help despite

her obvious distress. On the contrary, they contributed to her victimisation.

Much of the bullying stemmed from an incident in her first year in which a

teacher refused to allow Jen to use the toilet, resulting in Jen wetting herself and

being made to stay in the soiled clothes for the rest of the day. The teacher faced

no repercussions. Jen began self-harming and running away from home, and the

only adult she felt she could confide in committed suicide around this time.

Into adolescence, Jen had no stable sense of self-worth and no adults who

consistently protected or advocated for her. Her self-harm worsened and she

experienced suicidal thoughts, yet safeguarding responses remained absent. Jen

began to believe that she was “not worth protecting,” and as a result became

increasingly vulnerable to exploitation. At 13, adult men began contacting her

online, giving her a sense of validation and belonging. Sexual conversations were

common, including one man encouraging Jen to insert a knife into her vagina.

At 15, offline grooming began with a group of White British men who presented

themselves as sympathetic friends to the vulnerable Jen. Though she was not

raped by these men, one told her that “touching was okay, but we can’t have

intercourse until you are 16 because of the law.”

At the age of 17, Jen was introduced to a gang of Iraqi Kurdish Muslim men by a

friend who she now believes was, herself, groomed. The gang members – all of

whom were illegal migrants – trafficked Jen to numerous towns and cities across

the Midlands where she was raped by multiple men at what were described as

“parties.” On one occasion, she was anally raped in a park by one of the gang

members. She was taken on drug runs and witnessed the slaughtering of a lamb

in the bathroom of a house.

She describes “a closed and intimidating social world governed by fear, loyalty,

and silence,” in which racially supremacist attitudes were openly and regularly

expressed. White British people were described as “white trash,” and white girls

as “English pig‑dogs.” Perpetrators insisted that children “choose” exploitation,

and Britain and its institutions were described as “soft” and “easy” to exploit.

They boasted of receiving “free money” from the British state, and on multiple

occasions Jen was forced to fill in asylum benefit applications on their behalf.

Jen witnessed intimidation, violence, trafficking, asylum fraud, sexual

exploitation – including the drugging and raping of children as young as 13 –

and the aftermath of a gang-related murder while involved with the group, and

was thus afraid to defy or disclose against its members.

The gang became increasingly controlling and abusive, isolating Jen from her

friends and family. Her movements, communications, and decisions were closely

monitored and restricted, and any attempt to assert independence was met with

threats. She suffered emotional, psychological, and sexual abuse, and at 18

became pregnant as a result of rape.

Jen was repeatedly told she was inferior and unclean as a non‑Muslim. Religious

coercion escalated into forced conversion to Islam, partly due to her pregnancy.

She was taken to a “dark,” “dingy” flat that had been converted into a mosque

and married by an imam in an Islamic ceremony without giving consent. The

marriage was used as a mechanism to legitimise control over her, and

restrictions on her behaviour increased.

During pregnancy the threats intensified. Jen was told she had no right to leave

or make decisions about her child because to do so would be anti-Islamic. Her

behaviour was tightly controlled, including an instruction not to eat pork as the

father believed “it would make the baby gay.” She was told that disclosure to the

authorities would result in shame and punishment.

Nevertheless, she attempted to report her situation to the police, but no action

was taken. The ideological and religious dimensions of her trafficking and abuse

were minimised and her disclosures were reframed as relationship issues or

cultural matters before being dismissed as exaggerated and unreliable.

After the birth of her daughter, Jen’s access to her child was restricted and used

as a means of leverage. The father – an Iraqi illegal migrant – repeatedly took

their daughter to Iraq, despite having claimed asylum in Britain on the basis

that he could not safely remain there. While there, she was exposed to firearms

including AK-47s.

When her daughter was 3 years old, Jen contacted the police after the father

threatened to take their daughter to Iraq and never bring her back. The police

responded that it was a “civil matter” and did not intervene. Jen has not spent a

single one of her daughter’s birthdays with her since she was nine years old and

has had minimal contact with her for several years. Her father continues to take

her to Iraq regularly.

Jen now lives with complex PTSD, anxiety, depression, dissociation, periods of

agoraphobia, and persistent fear and distress in relation to her daughter’s safety

and autonomy. These difficulties significantly impair her ability to function day

to day. She gives evidence so that religiously-motivated coercive abuse is

properly recognised and confronted, even when doing so is politically,

culturally, or socially controversial.

‘Kate’

‘Kate’ grew up in a deeply dysfunctional and unsafe household where violence,

sexual abuse, and neglect were commonplace. Social services had been involved

with the family since before Kate was born, primarily due to the neglect of her

siblings by her parents and the behaviour of her older half-brother, who was

physically violent. He, along with Kate’s father, sexually abused Kate from a

young age – something that was not identified by social services for several

years.

When she was around the age of five, Kate and her two brothers were removed

from the care of their biological parents and placed in a foster home. It was

determined that they could not return to their parents’ custody, and they were

adopted by a couple from a town around 50 miles away. Kate and her brothers

settled well into their new home and family environment, and for the next seven

years, Kate’s life was happy and stable, with her adoptive parents providing the

love and support that her biological parents had failed to give.

Kate’s adoptive parents were committed Christians and the family attended the

local church every Sunday. Much of Kate’s social life outside of school revolved

around church activities, including youth groups and spending time with other

families within the church community. At school, she performed exceptionally

well, and was identified as “gifted and talented” across a range of subjects. She

rarely got into trouble and, despite suffering from low self-esteem, was

well-regarded by teachers and peers alike. Kate maintained a limited circle of

friends, and directed most of her energies into her studies, which provided her

with a sense of achievement, structure, and self-worth.

Kate was highly ambitious and optimistic about the future. She held herself to

very high standards, and aspired to attend university, complete a PhD, and

pursue a career in archaeology or paramedicine. She was also driven by a strong

sense of family, and looked forward to getting married and having children of

her own.

Around the age of twelve, Kate began to receive sex education at school. She

found these lessons upsetting as, up to this point, her understanding of what had

happened to her during her early childhood was very limited. Social services had

failed to identify the abuse at the time, and so it had never been acknowledged,

discussed, or explained to her. She entered adolescence confused about what had

happened to her and without a clear understanding of healthy boundaries and

inappropriate behaviour. She lacked the confidence to confide in an adult, and

this left her vulnerable.

Kate came to realise that the abuse she had suffered at the hands of her

biological father and half-brother was not normal or legal. She began to

experience a growing sense of shame, fear, and self-blame, and felt a deep

uncertainty about her identity, body, and relationships with others. She soon

began to experience suicidal thoughts.

Still just twelve years old, Kate decided to take her own life. One Saturday

night, after her family had gone to sleep, she left her home in the early hours and

walked to a secluded location where she intended to commit suicide, hoping she

would not be found. She paused beneath a tree to shelter from the rain, and

after a while she heard a group of men approaching. By their tone Kate

suspected that they were drunk, and when they saw her they began jeering. They

called her a “no-homer” and suggested that she could “stay warm on their dicks.”

Kate, terrified and regretful, waited for the men to pass before attempting to

return home – but as she was walking, she was grabbed from behind by one of

the men.

Kate was overpowered by the three men, forced to the ground, her arms and legs

were pinned, and the men took turns to orally and vaginally rape her. When it

ended, the men hit her repeatedly and threatened to find her, kill her and harm

her loved ones if she ever told anyone what had happened. So violent was the

assault, Kate’s clothes were left bloodstained.

Traumatised, she walked across the town to her family’s church, knowing that

her parents would be there in a few hours. She sat on the porch and cried for

several hours before deciding to return home. While she was walking, both a van

and a taxi driver stopped to ask if she was okay given her disheveled appearance

and visible distress. She replied that she was. When she arrived home, she hid

her bloodstained clothes and went to sleep.

Kate did not disclose the assault to anyone and her mental and physical health

rapidly deteriorated. She began self-harming and her suicidal thoughts

intensified. She attempted to take her own life on multiple occasions over the

following months and was admitted to hospital many times as a result. She

started getting bullied at school. Concern for her welfare escalated, but Kate

resisted every attempt by her parents and teachers to intervene. She was

assigned a Child and Adolescent Mental Health Services (CAMHS) practitioner

by the local authority with whom she started regular counselling sessions, but

Kate did not find this either effective or helpful and she continued to keep the

assault hidden. The professionals concluded that her deteriorating health was

linked to her early-life trauma.

Later that year, Kate received a message on social media from one of the abusers.

To this day, Kate does not know how they found her. The message was a video of

the assault, and they threatened to share it with Kate’s friends and family if she

did not comply with their demands. Kate feared that if they did so the bullying

would worsen and she would get into trouble. Once again, she did not disclose

the incident to anyone, and – believing she could resolve the blackmail – she

went to meet them.

She was instructed to come to a house in the local town centre. She was taken

inside, and all three abusers were present. They proceeded to rape her again, this

time making clear that she was being filmed. Following this, they told Kate that

she now “worked” for them and was expected to do what she was told, for

otherwise the footage would be leaked. She was given a phone and told always to

remain contactable.

In the period that followed, Kate was required to meet the two chief abusers

frequently. They introduced her to other men in their network and she was

repeatedly subjected by them as well to sexual abuse. Kate was also forced to

participate in webcam abuse sessions, which generated revenue for the abusers.

If the livestream did not generate what they considered to be a satisfactory

amount of money, Kate was punished. The constant shifting of expectations was

used as a method of control.

Kate gradually became more open with her counsellors. Though she still did not

disclose the full extent of what was happening to her, she began to refer to the

initial assault as “the event,” and they soon worked out that she had been raped

– though they did not suspect ongoing abuse. They shared their concerns with

Kate’s parents and, almost a year after the initial assault, Kate’s mother

confronted her about the suspicions that she, Kate’s father, and the social

services professionals had formed. Kate confirmed to her mother that she had

been raped. Soon after the disclosure, Kate was taken to a Sexual Assault and

Rape Centre (SARC) for further counselling.

The SARC therapists encouraged Kate to report the initial assault to the police.

Kate hoped that doing so would lead to an intervention that would stop the

ongoing abuse, but was too frightened to name the perpetrators, fearing

reprisals from the gang. Nevertheless, she reported the assault to the police,

providing them with as much information as possible, and was brought in for

questioning with her mother.

At the police station, Kate was taken into the interview room. Before the

interview began, and without Kate’s mother present, Kate was told that this was

her “last chance” to say that her report was untrue. She was warned that if any

part of her account could not be supported by evidence, she could and would be

arrested. For an extended period of time, both officers repeatedly told her how

much trouble she would be in if any detail of her statement was disproved, and

that she could withdraw the allegation before the interview started with no

further consequences. They also suggested that her parents would be relieved if

she said the incident had not happened.

Still just twelve years old and already deeply traumatised, Kate became

overwhelmed by the pressure she felt the officers were placing on her, and said

what she believed they wanted her to say: that the rape had not taken place. This

interaction occurred before the recording began and, as a result, the formal

interview did not reflect the coercion that took place. Kate felt unable to

disclose anything further, including the abuse that was ongoing at the time,

because she felt she was not being believed or taken seriously. The police report

recorded the incident as a withdrawal of the complaint. Following this

experience, Kate again attempted to take her own life.

Shortly afterwards, Kate’s mother found content in Kate’s diary describing the

rape. She encouraged Kate to speak to the police again, but Kate explained that

the police had previously pressured her to withdraw her complaint.

Nevertheless, Kate returned to the police station and, this time, completed the

interview.

Some weeks later, Kate’s parents discovered sexually explicit messages in her

phone between Kate and several adult men, including sexual photographs. These

were reported to the police, but it was concluded that Kate was engaging with

these men consensually, despite being just 13 years old. Kate, still afraid of

retribution from the gang, denied all knowledge of these exchanges, and was not

questioned further.

Over the course of the following year, Kate went missing on numerous

occasions, including during school hours and late at night. She alleges that no

record was made of her absence. The gang was blackmailing her into doing what

they called “jobs” – sexual abuse by gang members and their associates, for

which the gang received payment. These included webcamming, gang rapes,

“parties,” “cop nights,” and “red rooms.” Kate was raped multiple times a week,

sometimes 2 to 4 times a day.

During this time, Kate encountered another girl whom the gang was exploiting.

Kate – then 14 – suspected that the girl was younger than her. On the night that

they met, Kate had been instructed to meet two of the gang members in a

secluded location late at night. When Kate arrived, they were holding the girl

“tightly” around the neck. One of the gang members told Kate that the girl was

being “broken in” that night, and that the men she would be “servicing” were

particularly “brutal.” Kate attempted to intervene, telling the gang members

that she would take on the “jobs” instead. In response, the gang members beat

and raped her. Kate went on to “work” with this girl on numerous occasions, and

they became very close.

Throughout the first half of the next year, the exploitation intensified, and Kate

made another attempt to take her own life. Shortly afterwards, she entered into

a relationship with a relative of one of the gang members, leading to a

temporary pause in the abuse. The relationship lasted for almost a year, but

when it came to an end, the exploitation resumed almost immediately.

Later that year, Kate – then 16 – experienced the most significant missing

episode to date. During this incident, the gang trafficked Kate to a town far

from her home where she was restrained and raped repeatedly on a canal boat –

including, she alleges, by a police officer. At one point, Kate tried to escape, but

was caught, and the gang beat her and cut off much of her hair as punishment.

Kate attempted to escape a second time and was successful. She reached a nearby

house and knocked for help. The woman who lived there took Kate in and gave

her clothes, as Kate’s own clothes had been badly damaged by the abusers and

she was partially naked. The woman called the police, who attended the

property. The woman attempted to remove the rope that remained around

Kate’s wrists, but was instructed by the police to leave them in place as they

were considered evidence.

Kate was hesitant to speak to the police given both the recent alleged abuse by a

serving officer and the wider context of threats, coercive control, and physical

and sexual violence that she had been experiencing. Nevertheless, she disclosed

what had happened on the canal boat – but not the historic exploitation, fearing

reprisals – to the police. She also did not report that she had been raped by a

police officer.

The investigation did not progress and the police accused Kate of lying about

the exploitation. This represented a turning point in Kate’s dealings with the

police, as she thereafter felt that she could not turn to them for help, fearing she

would not be believed.

Kate was placed on a Child Protection Plan by the local authority. She shared a

diary with one of the social workers containing details about the sexual abuse

she had been suffering, though once again she was not believed. During this

period, Kate was diagnosed with dissociative identity disorder. Soon after, Kate

alleges that she was raped in a hotel by a man she believed to be a doctor. The

police were called to the hotel as the staff were concerned that she was a

prostitute. When the police arrived, she was found alone and naked in the room,

having been left there by the abusers and instructed to wait for more men to

arrive.

At this point, both Kate’s family and the professionals involved in her care

began to express frustration with what they perceived to be her “lifestyle

choices.” They did not believe that she was being exploited and instead assumed

that she – still 16 – was willingly meeting adult men.

This “misinterpretation” of Kate’s situation had a profound impact on how

professionals responded to her in the following months and years. Because they

believed her behaviour was voluntary, subsequent incidents – such as

unexplained absences, being found in hotels, receiving inappropriate messages,

or associating with adult men – were treated as matters of personal choice

rather than indicators of ongoing exploitation. As a result, these events were not

treated as safeguarding concerns. Instead of exploring the possibility that she

was being coerced or controlled, professionals increasingly framed the issue as

one of behavioural difficulty, risk-taking, or non-compliance.

This perspective, Kate alleges, influenced decision-making across agencies.

Referrals were closed prematurely, safeguarding meetings did not lead to

protective action, and disclosures or partial disclosures were not pursued with

the seriousness she felt they required. The assumption that she was engaged in

consensual activity meant that professionals did not intervene effectively, even

when the circumstances strongly indicated exploitation. This perspective

reinforced her isolation, reduced her ability to seek help, and ultimately allowed

the exploitation to continue and escalate.

On one occasion around this time, concerns were raised at Kate’s school. She

was escorted to an office where the Assistant Headteacher, the Designated

Safeguarding Lead (DSL), a PCSO, a police officer, her social worker, the school

nurse, and her Head of Year were present. They prevented her from leaving the

room and pressed her for names and details about the individuals involved in

the abuse. At that time, due to fear, coercion, and the threats she felt she was

under, she did not feel safe or able to provide the information they were

requesting. Instead, she provided the nicknames of some of the individuals

involved. Kate was visibly shaking and repeatedly asked to leave, explaining that

she would be in significant danger if she revealed further information.

After the meeting concluded, Kate was allowed to leave but no protective

measures were put in place. She was not supervised, safeguarded, or provided

with any immediate safety planning. Despite indicators of fear and coercion, she

was permitted to return home and continue her usual routine. No follow-up

action was taken to monitor her well-being in the days that followed.

After the meeting at the school, Kate’s abusers made it clear that they knew she

had spoken to the police. They told her that they were aware of every time she

spoke to the police, as “they had people on the inside.” They accused her of

“snitching,” telling her that she would “pay for it.” Shortly afterwards, she was

taken to a remote, wooded location. The young girl whom Kate had met before

was also present. Initially, Kate believed they had been taken there for another

“job.” The men then subjected the girl to extreme sexual and physical violence

while Kate was forcibly restrained and made to witness what happened. Kate

alleges that the girl was then murdered in front of her.

Following the incident, Kate reports that the abusers used what had happened as

a direct and ongoing threat to ensure Kate’s silence. They repeatedly told her

that the murder had occurred because she had spoken to the police and insisted

that it was her fault. This message was delivered consistently and became a

central part of their coercive control. They made it clear that the same thing

could happen to Kate or to others if she ever disclosed anything again.

On another occasion, Kate reports that she was taken from her local church at a

Sunday morning service. She was taken to a nearby city, an hour away, to do

“jobs.” She alleges that she was raped in the car on the way to the city. She

eventually managed to get away from her perpetrators, but they followed and

caught up with her and dragged her off a canal path and raped her. After the

perpetrators left, Kate left the structure and attempted to walk back along the

canal path. She was visibly injured, distressed, and her clothing was damaged. A

group of men who were fishing nearby saw her in this state and contacted the

police. Emergency services attended, and she was taken to the hospital for

medical attention. Kate reports that no effective safeguarding measures were put

in place following this incident.

When Kate turned 17, she joined a local college. This transition created a

significant change in her routine. She had more independence, fewer supervised

hours, and less direct oversight from adults compared with her previous school.

This increased her vulnerability, as the individuals exploiting her were able to

take advantage of the additional freedom and reduced monitoring associated

with college life.

Kate’s parents found it increasingly difficult to keep her safe and was placed in

Edge of Care Services under the age of 18. She stayed at the care home 2 nights a

week as ‘respite care’ for her family. During this period, she reports that she was

trafficked by the gang to London. While there, she was subjected to repeated

sexual exploitation. At one point, she managed to contact the care home and

inform them of her location. A colleague provided guidance over the phone and

directed Kate to a place where she could remain safe until help arrived.

The police attended and collected her from the location. She disclosed the

exploitation that had occurred, and, on this occasion, the officers took her

account seriously and responded with what she felt was appropriate concern.

They advised that she should not return immediately to her local area due to the

risks to her safety. However, Kate’s local authority did not agree with this and

insisted that she be returned home. Staff from the care home travelled to

London to collect her and return her to the placement.

During this period, a retired police officer became aware of Kate’s situation

through a mutual connection. A friend got in touch with him on Kate’s behalf

and he got in touch with Kate. He travelled to meet her in person the next

morning and came to her college. He expressed an intention to support her and

stated that he believed he could assist, but explained that, due to her age, he

would need to liaise with my allocated social worker before taking any formal

action.

Kate’s social worker declined to engage with him. The situation quickly became

confusing and overwhelming for Kate – the lack of cooperation from

professionals, combined with the ongoing exploitation and her deteriorating

mental health, led to a significant emotional crisis. Kate became extremely

distressed and expressed intentions to end her life while at college. As a result,

she was sectioned under the Mental Health Act and taken for assessment.

Shortly after this incident, Kate was taken again by the individuals exploiting

her. They told her that they knew she had spoken to the police. She was removed

from college and taken to “a Red Room setting.” Another girl, Meg, was also

present. During this incident, Kate alleges that she was forced to witness

extreme violence that resulted in Meg losing her life. This, she says, was done

deliberately, and the perpetrators made it clear that this was a direct

consequence of their belief that she had disclosed information to the police after

her sectioning.

Before Kate was due to start university, she reports that she was taken to

London during the Notting Hill Carnival and made to engage in “street-based

sex work.” At one point, Kate found the nearest police officers and attempted to

explain that she was not safe, that she had been trafficked, and that she was

worried her abusers would find her. They confirmed that she had been reported

as a missing person and contacted Kate’s father, who told the officers that she

was lying and refused to come and collect her.

The officers then transported her to a police station. When she arrived, she was

told that she could not remain there and that, because her father had declined to

collect her, she would need to leave the station. No safeguarding measures were

put in place, and she feared that the individuals exploiting her would find her

again. She felt entirely abandoned by the adults and professionals who should

have kept her safe and, overwhelmed and distressed, again attempted to take her

own life.

Soon after, she started university – a goal she wanted to achieve as she thought it

would be a route out of the abuse. However, the increased independence and

reduced oversight associated with university life created new opportunities for

the individuals abusing her to extend the exploitation beyond Kate’s local area.

This, she reports, marked the point at which her trafficking became national in

scope, with the abuse occurring across multiple regions of Britain.

Over the course of this academic year, Kate alleges that she was regularly taken

to a range of cities across Britain. These movements were frequent, often

unplanned, and carried out with little notice, making it impossible for her to

establish any stability or predictability in her daily life. The level of violence

during this period increased significantly. My injuries became more frequent

and more visible. On several occasions, Kate’s university lecturers and friends

noticed bruises and other marks, which reflected the severity and regularity of

the abuse. Despite these indicators of harm, no effective safeguarding

intervention took place, and the exploitation continued.

On one occasion, Kate was taken by her abusers from an area close to the

university. They told her that she was “in trouble” because she had not been

available for “jobs” due to a recent hospital admission. She was transported to a

remote location, and held in a caravan for “approximately nine days.” During

this period, she reports that she was subjected to repeated sexual violence, severe

physical assaults, and sustained torture – including being raped by a dog as the

men placed bets on whether it would penetrate her vagina or her anus, filmed,

and forced to rewatch the footage. This was “the most extreme and prolonged”

incident she experienced and represented a significant escalation in the level of

harm and control being exerted over her. The duration, isolation, and intensity

of the abuse during this period had a lasting and profound impact on her

physical and psychological well-being.

Over the following year, Kate went missing for several extended periods and was

subjected to continuous trafficking and rape across the country. When the

COVID-19 lockdown began, her day-to-day movements and university activities

were restricted in line with national guidance. However, the individuals

controlling her exploitation continued to expect her to attend “jobs” throughout

this period. The lockdown did not reduce the level of contact or demand placed

on her.

Following this period, the trafficking began to reduce gradually. Kate received a

positive ‘Conclusive Grounds’ decision through the National Referral

Mechanism, confirming that she was a victim of trafficking and exploitation.

The grooming behaviours to which Kate was subjected did not follow the

“boyfriend model” or grooming tactics that are often associated with child

sexual exploitation. Instead, the abuse she experienced was based primarily on

blackmail, coercion, and threats. From the outset, the individuals involved used

fear, intimidation, and control rather than affection or persuasion to entrap and

exploit her.

The demographics of the men abusing Kate were mixed. The first group who

trafficked and exploited her were primarily White British or from Gypsy, Roma,

and Traveller backgrounds. As she got older and was trafficked more widely, the

primary abuser demographics were Pakistani, Bangladeshi, and Bengali Muslims.

The other victims she encountered were almost exclusively White British. Kate

was repeatedly subject to racially and religiously motivated, and “being white

was repeatedly used as a justification for the abuse or to minimise or dismiss the

harm being inflicted.” Kate was verbally attacked and demeaned because of her

religion, including being mocked for wearing a cross and being told that “her

Christian faith offered her no protection.” The abusers regularly suggested that

“her God had abandoned her.” Comments were constantly made suggesting that

white girls and Christian girls were viewed as having degraded moral character

or lower value, whereas Muslim girls were described by some of the men as

having dignity and higher moral standing.

Kate has participated in this Inquiry because she feels “a personal responsibility

to speak up for the many girls across the country who are unable to do so” and

to “help ensure that the realities of this form of exploitation are understood, and

that meaningful change can be achieved.” The systems that should have

protected Kate did not recognise the risks she was facing, did not respond

effectively when concerns were raised, and in some cases, she feels, “contributed

to the harm by dismissing or disbelieving what was happening.”

For powerful testimony sourced from beyond our hearings, see Appendix I.

100

Whistleblower

Testimony

Whistleblowers who tried to expose the rape gangs were systematically silenced,

discredited, and punished. On occasion, their careers and reputations were also

tarnished. Social care professionals, campaigners, and public activists who raised

evidence of still ongoing grooming, trafficking, financial abuse of children in

care, and institutional cover-ups faced suspension, defamation proceedings,

dawn raids, asset freezes, fabricated charges, gagging bail conditions, and

career-ending isolation. Authorities assured them that full investigations had

taken place when none had occurred and records were destroyed. Senior officers

and elected members acknowledged concerns as credible yet took no remedial

action. The state did not merely ignore whistleblowers; it punished them to

protect the gangs and its own reputation.

We wished to correct for that, so we invited these whistleblowers to our Inquiry.

Below are some of their testimonies.

‘A

social

worker’

Our whistleblower social worker is an experienced children’s social care

professional with nearly four decades of service. Her specialist work focused on

leaving care services and safeguarding highly vulnerable young people. In

February 2018, she raised extensive whistleblowing disclosures concerning

financial abuse of young people, misuse of public funds, unlawful sanctions,

illegal evictions, racism towards children in care, and systemic failures to

safeguard against sexual and criminal exploitation.

She was assured that a comprehensive investigation would occur. In the event,

responses were delayed, fragmented, and opaque. Senior officers later

acknowledged that financial abuse was likely but claimed proof was impossible

due to missing records. She was informed that shredders had been purchased at

units and that records may have been destroyed. Despite this, the disclosure was

deemed “reviewed” without her ever having been interviewed.

101

She describes repeated safeguarding failures witnessed while she was Interim

Co‑Manager of semi‑independent units, including children with severe mental

health needs placed unsafely, repeated missing episodes, untreated exploitation

risks, and delayed police or mental health intervention. Her evidence illustrates

escalating harm, including self‑harm, sexual exploitation, criminal exploitation,

and unlawful housing practices.

After raising these concerns, she experienced retaliation, including removal of

payments, suspension based on unfounded allegations, and professional

isolation. Senior leadership and elected members repeatedly failed to engage

meaningfully with her concerns. She concludes that the local council prioritised

reputational and financial considerations over child safety, leaving ongoing risks

unaddressed.

Caven

Vines

(Rotherham

campaigner)

Caven compiled multi-agency records from 2003 onwards. These showed that

police, councils, and MPs knew about organised grooming by Pakistani Muslim

gangs years before any public admission. Vines engaged with national media and

provided evidence to senior officials. He states that one of the interviews in

which he partook – namely, with Sky News – was misrepresented, which led to

defamation proceedings that rendered him bankrupt and ruined much of his

life. He alleges perjury by MPs and a failure by police to investigate it. The

pattern demonstrates that early whistleblowing on institutional awareness

produced retaliation rather than protection for victims.

Tommy

Robinson

(National

Activist)

Tommy Robinson documented grooming patterns after the exploitation of a

close female relative at age 14. He heard hundreds of similar accounts from

families across England. When he formed the English Defence League and spoke

publicly, South Yorkshire Police allegedly subjected him to repeated arrests and

dawn raids on his family homes. He reportedly also faced fabricated charges,

asset freezes, and threats that forced repeated relocations. The state treated

public whistleblowing on the ethnic and religious patterns of the gangs as more

102

dangerous than the gangs themselves.

After Robinson repeatedly detailed the scale of Muslim grooming gangs across

Britain, the state responded with targeted legal action that in effect silenced

him. In May 2018, he livestreamed outside Leeds Crown Court while defendants

in a major grooming gang trial were entering the building. He was immediately

arrested for breaching the peace and charged with contempt of court for

violating reporting restrictions that protected the defendants. He was sentenced

to 13 months in prison on the same day. Although released after two months on

appeal, the case was reheard and in July 2019 he was resentenced to nine months

imprisonment. This sentence combined six months for the Leeds offence with

three months for breaking an earlier suspended contempt order related to a

similar incident at Canterbury Crown Court in 2017.

The timing and nature of these prosecutions to many suggest clear retaliation.

Robinson had been one of the most high profile voices highlighting the

grooming gang scandal at a time when authorities in Rotherham, Rochdale, and

elsewhere were still denying its existence or suppressing evidence. Instead of

investigating the gangs he identified, the state focused its resources on

imprisoning the man who had drawn public attention to them. The contempt

charges ensured that his reporting on ongoing trials was criminalised while the

grooming networks continued to operate. There is a prima facie case that the

repeated use of the courts against Robinson was not about fair justice, but about

punishing one of the individuals who forced the grooming gang scandal into the

open long before official institutions were willing to act.

‘Fred’

‘Fred’ is a father and information technology specialist with approximately six

years’ experience in child protection work. His involvement began after his own

daughters were groomed offline by a former partner of their mother. His eldest

daughter recognised the risk and disclosed the situation, enabling Fred to

intervene promptly and protect his children. This experience prompted him to

join an online child protection team.

For around two years, Fred worked as a decoy, posing as a child online to

103

identify adults seeking to groom and sexually exploit children. He was exposed

to highly disturbing sexual communications, which had a severe psychological

impact and eventually led him to step back from decoy duties.

Leveraging his professional background, Fred shifted his focus to developing

tools for digital tracking, perpetrator identification, and forensic evidence

gathering. His work is designed to produce court-ready evidence. He has

collaborated with multiple British child protection teams and interfaced with

various police forces, including specialist online child protection units.

To date, Fred has assisted in the identification, tracking, and reporting of nearly

1,300 suspected child sexual predators. These cases have resulted in arrests,

prosecutions, and convictions. At least four cases involved attempted child

trafficking. He has also identified and provided technical data leading to the

shutdown of approximately 30 deep web servers hosting large volumes of child

sexual abuse material.

Fred has observed that many offenders are repeat perpetrators, with some

convicted multiple times. In his view, rehabilitation is ineffective for this

category of offender, and current sentencing practices frequently fail to act as a

deterrent, with some individuals receiving only community orders despite

strong evidence.

Fred believes that online grooming could be substantially reduced or eliminated

through existing technology and artificial intelligence. Such systems could

detect grooming behaviours in real time based on established models. A

recurring pattern in the cases Fred has supported is that the vast majority of

suspects initiate contact with decoys, suggesting they are actively targeting

multiple children.

He highlighted one specific case on one platform involving an individual who

presented publicly as a Quran and Arabic tutor linked to a mosque and teaching

centre at two universities. Extensive digital evidence, including chat logs, IP

data, and location information, was submitted to the Police. Despite this, the

individual appeared to leave Britain shortly after, later resurfacing in the

104

country and abroad while the investigation remained open. Fred expressed

concern about the lack of apparent action in this case despite strong evidence,

and noted subsequent cyberattacks on his systems originating from the Middle

East.

Fred has faced direct personal threats, including a life threat from a serious

repeat offender with prior convictions for abduction, torture, and rape. Fred

provided this testimony to highlight the scale of online grooming, technological

opportunities for prevention, and systemic gaps that allow perpetrators to

continue offending.

105

Demographics

and

Culture

Perpetrators from Pakistani Muslim and other Muslim backgrounds formed the

core of the rape gangs nationwide.

They operated under an honour and shame clan code that treated non-Muslim

girls, especially white working-class girls, as property available for sexual use

because these girls had no male protectors who could retaliate. The men began

by showering the girls with attention, gifts, alcohol, and drugs. This then

escalated to coercion, gang rape, and trafficking. They transported victims across

towns, shared them with friends and family, and sometimes forced conversions

to Islam followed by religious marriages. The Muslim men justified the abuse by

describing White British girls as “easy,” “trash” or morally inferior. The same

networks targeted Sikh girls until Sikh communities mobilised collective male

protection and forced the gangs to withdraw. British girls were not permitted

such a defence. This religiously framed exploitation was repeated in every major

town and city and beyond.

Britain has seen a series of high-profile convictions for organised group-based

child sexual exploitation, commonly referred to as “grooming gangs.” However,

the number of convictions amount only to a small proportion of the men who

carried out the crimes.

In cases where perpetrators of Pakistani heritage were named publicly in court

records or reports, their names have consistently been Muslim in character.

According to the 2021 Census for England and Wales, around 93% of individuals

identifying as Pakistani by ethnicity also identified as Muslim, with only about

1% following another religion (the remainder having no faith recorded).

Researcher Peter McLoughlin in Easy Meat (2016) compiled a comprehensive list

of grooming gang convictions from 1997 to 2018 (with updates in subsequent

analyses), drawing from published court outcomes. His examination of names

indicated that approximately 87% of those convicted bore distinctively Muslim

names, which was a figure echoed in related analyses far exceeding the Muslim

106

proportion (around 6%) of the general population of Britain.

The majority of these convicted groups consisted entirely of men from Muslim

backgrounds. These groups are predominantly of Pakistani heritage, especially

when the group exceeds ten or more members. The larger group size dynamic of

Pakistani perpetrators is on display in major prosecutions and official reviews

from locations such as Rochdale, Rotherham, Huddersfield, Oxford, Telford,

and others.

Other convictions have involved groups primarily composed of Muslims from

non-Pakistani origins, demonstrating that the issue is not necessarily confined

to one ethnic group:

●

Two Somali-origin gangs in Bristol.

●

A mainly African-heritage gang in Banbury.

●

Three Iranians in Chelmsford.

●

Three Syrians and one Kuwaiti in Newcastle.

●

Two Turkish men in Somerset.

●

A Romanian rape gang in Rotherham.

●

The large Newcastle “Operation Sanctuary” case, involving 17 men and

one woman from diverse Muslim backgrounds: Albanian, Kurdish,

Bangladeshi, Indian, Turkish, Iranian, Iraqi, Pakistani, and Eastern

European heritage. Nearly all published names were Islamic.

These patterns are drawn from judicial proceedings, sentencing records, official

inquiries (such as those into Rotherham, Rochdale, and others), and public

reporting on concluded cases. Recent developments, including ongoing reviews

and data audits (e.g., national audits and reopened historic cases), continue to

examine the scale, characteristics, and patterns of such offending.

With regard to the scale of the crimes, this is reflected in conviction records,

police data from relevant force areas, and audits – all of which note

overrepresentation of South Asian/Pakistani-heritage men in certain

group-based cases while acknowledging data limitations on ethnicity

See Peter McLoughlin, Easy Meat: Inside Britain’s Grooming Gang Scandal (Nashville, TN: New English Review Press,

2016).

107

nationwide. Smaller non-Muslim groups often feature different dynamics or

victim profiles compared with the classic multi-offender “grooming” model in

larger operations.

The term “Asian” has frequently been applied in media, official statements, and

public discourse to describe the perpetrators in grooming gang cases across

Britain. This broad labelling can be misleading, however, because Britain hosts a

substantial number of non-Muslim Asian populations, such as Hindus and Sikhs

from India, Buddhists from Japan, and Christians from the Philippines and

Vietnam. These populations have, with only very rare exceptions, had no

involvement in these offences. In fact, members of these communities have more

often appeared as victims than as perpetrators in the grooming gang cases that

have come to light.

Dr. Ella Hill, a survivor of the Rotherham grooming gangs and now a qualified

doctor, has courageously shared her experiences and reflections in multiple

public forums, including testimony to the 2022 Jay Inquiry, a July 2020 podcast

interview, and a 2018 article in The Independent. Her report is entirely consistent

with the evidence that was heard at The Rape Gang Inquiry.

Following years of repeated sexual violence, severe beatings, and attempted

murder by her abusers, her family members were forced to change their

surnames and relocate to another part of the country so that she could complete

her schooling and later pursue and obtain a medical degree.

In her accounts, Dr. Hill has consistently described the abuse as being both

racially and religiously aggravated. She was explicitly told during the rapes that

the attacks were happening because she was white and because she was

Christian.

She explained that she was initially groomed and then trafficked by a Pakistani

Muslim boyfriend to groups of Muslim men. She was repeatedly taken to various

houses and flats where she was raped, physically assaulted, and tortured. Even

after she tried to escape and hide, her main perpetrator tracked her down, broke

into her home, and attempted to kill her on five separate occasions. She survived

108

these attacks but was left with extensive lacerations and bruising.

On at least five occasions she approached the police, presenting medical

evidence of her injuries, yet each time she was told there was nothing they could

do and her evidence was not accepted.

Dr. Hill has emphasised that the verbal abuse she endured was saturated with

both racial and religious slurs. While being beaten she was repeatedly called “a

white slag,” “a white whore,” “a white cunt,” and simultaneously condemned as a

non-Muslim who deserved punishment for failing to follow Islamic rules. Her

abusers, she said, operated according to what she termed “Grooming Gang

Ideology” under which they believed their crimes were religiously justified.

In fuller detail, in her submission incorporated into Associate Professor Lisa

Oakley’s evidence to the 2022 Jay Inquiry, Dr. Hill stated:

“I was told that I must respect their religion. This was the ﬁrst of many confusing lies

that I was forced to believe. I was told that to show them (Muslims) respect, I mustn’t eat

pork. I was told that Muslim girls are good and pure, and stay virgins until marriage,

but all white girls are slags, and they all sleep with hundreds of people. I was told white

girls are trash. They are all whores. They are lower than shit under your shoe. They don’t

obey Allah, so they deserve to be punished. They don’t dress modestly. Muslim women

are pure because they cover down to their ankles, and down to their wrists, and the hem

of their top comes down below their knees. White girls show the curves of their body, so

they are asking for it. They should be raped as punishment for not obeying Allah. Kaffir

[non-Muslim] girls are worthless. Sex with a kaffir girl doesn’t count as adultery (only

sex with a Muslim woman counts as adultery). If you’re not a virgin before marriage you

should be beaten. Many times I was told that the Quran says, “If one of your wives

disobeys you, beat her.” This was often quoted to me before they beat me with their

hands. They believed they had a position of religious moral superiority over

“nonbelievers.” They believed it was their duty to punish us, as they believed that doing

so made them good Muslims. This is what they were taught by their mothers. They were

taught that witches in Pakistan are blonde, so blondes are more evil, and they deserve

worse punishment. I was told that in Islam, if a girl or woman looks at a man who isn’t

her brother, father or her husband, then that means she wants to have sex with him. So I

109

was told to look at the ﬂoor when I was around Muslim men. So when I did look at a

waiter in a restaurant, I was then taken away to be gang raped as “punishment.” I was

told that according to their faith community, girls are old enough for sex when they start

their periods (at age eleven). Many of us had to endure the sexual act of ‘thighing’

[Arabic mufākhadhah] which I’m now told is a religiously-sanctioned way of molesting

children according to some Islamic scriptures. (You have to lie down on your back with

your legs straight together, and they straddle you and fuck between your thighs).

I was beaten, strangled, suﬀocated, and my head held under water, tortured, kicked, and

raped over 100 times. I was told that if you don’t scream when you’re raped, then you’re

consenting to the rape, so you should be stoned to death. I was told that Muslim girls

know this (because the Quran says that Aisha’s silence was her consent to the marriage

to Mohammed). So Muslim girls know to scream, but white girls don’t, so that’s their

fault then, because they’re not Muslim. When I did wear a headscarf to try to protect

myself from being raped, I was told to get it oﬀ, and they raped me again. (I now know

that all these so-called “ways to protect yourself from being raped” are “rape-myths” used

to excuse perpetrator’s criminal behaviour.)

They threatened to kill my parents if my parents tried to stop me seeing them. I was

intimidated with guns, and threatened with body parts being cut oﬀ with knives. When I

tried to escape I was told that I had oﬀended their honour, so they had to spill my blood.

They did this in an honour attack. All of the sexual abuse that I experienced was linked

to spiritual abuse or religious abuse. Religious scriptures were used as tools of control to

force me to conform to their will. I was not allowed to question these religious beliefs.

They used their religious “moral authority” and self-proclaimed elitism to control me

through use of scripture, forced confessions, censorship of decision making, requirement of

secrecy and silence, isolation, excessive shaming and punishment around sexuality, and

requiring unquestioning obedience. I experienced this as a deeply personal, terrifying

physical, emotional and spiritual attack. Every time they quoted scripture it was very

hard to argue with; to them it was like I was arguing with God. To me it was actually

like I was arguing with the devil. They used their so-called “religious moral authority” to

do the most horriﬁc, immoral acts imaginable.”

The entirely typical experiences of survivors known as ‘Sarah’ and ‘Anna’ – both

The Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse, Witness Statement of Professor Lisa Ruth Oakley, pp. 4-5.

110

of whom were helped by the Christian Legal Centre – provide further

illustration of the religious elements reported in some grooming gang cases.

Sarah endured a 12-year ordeal after being kidnapped from the street at the age

of 15. During this period she was repeatedly drugged with Valium, beaten, and

raped. At one point, her abuser presented her with a certificate from the mosque

and declared that they were married according to Islamic rites. Later, he

divorced her under sharia procedure simply by stating “I divorce you” three

times. She was then immediately married in a ceremony conducted by an imam

to a man she did not know. Within minutes of the ceremony ending, while the

wedding party continued downstairs, she was raped by her new ‘husband.’

Over the years Sarah was subjected to eight forced abortions, one of them five

months into pregnancy. When she accompanied her abuser to medical

appointments, he required her to wear a hijab and walk five feet behind him.

She was compelled to learn the Quran in Arabic and permitted to speak only

Urdu and Punjabi. She was also made to cook and clean for the gang members

who abused her.

Sarah made several unsuccessful attempts to escape. On one occasion, after she

reported her kidnapping to the police, she was interviewed by a Muslim officer

who switched off the tape recorder and instructed her to drop her allegations

because of “lack of evidence.” She later learned that this officer was imprisoned

for child sex offences.

In a separate case, Anna was living in a children’s home in Bradford in 2002.

From the age of 13 she was raped and abused while in the home and at 15 she was

forced into a sharia marriage. Her social worker attended the marriage

ceremony and permitted her husband’s parents to foster her after she became

pregnant; the parents received a fostering allowance from the state. Anna

described her situation as one of “domestic slavery” in which she was treated

“like a maid” and repeatedly sexually abused by dozens of men.

In Britain,

reports from the Metropolitan Police in London alone have indicated an average

of 1,125 sexual assaults per year involving unlicensed taxi drivers. A significant

James Tozer, Social worker ‘attended wedding of terrified girl, 15, to her abuser’: Carers turned a blind eye when

teenage grooming victim was forced into Islamic marriage, damning report reveals, Daily Mail, 27 July, 2021.

111

proportion of the offenders in these cases have been identified as Muslim.

A further form of sexual exploitation associated with certain Muslim

communities across Britain is marriage trafficking. The Forced Marriage Unit

(FMU) handled 801 cases in 2024 concerning girls and women resident in the

country who were forced into marriage with men, providing direct support in

229 of those instances.

Among the 280 cases where the focus country was recorded in 2023, the six

countries accounting for the highest numbers were Pakistan (45%), Bangladesh

(13%), Afghanistan (7%), India (3%), Somalia (3%), and Nigeria (2%). Of these six,

all except India and Nigeria have overwhelmingly Muslim populations.

Earlier Home Office figures from 2009 showed that 90% of forced marriage

victims in Britain were Muslim. In more recent years, however, the FMU has

ceased collecting or publishing data on the religion of those involved – a shift

that echoes patterns of avoidance seen during the grooming gang investigations.

An FMU report stated:

“Forced marriage is not a problem speciﬁc to one country, religion or culture. … The

FMU does not record data on religion; no major faith in the UK advocates forced

marriage. Freely given consent is a prerequisite of Christian, Hindu, Jewish, Muslim and

Sikh marriages.”

Although forced marriage occurs in various communities and is not unique to

Muslims, statistics show a clear overrepresentation of Muslims among those

involved in forced marriage cases. It is also inaccurate to claim that Islam

mandates a woman’s consent for marriage.

Similar patterns of sexual offences disproportionately involving Muslim men

have been reported in other Western countries with significant Muslim

immigrant populations.

See Home Office & Foreign Office Statistics, Forced Marriage Unit statistics 2023, 9 May, 2024.

Dr. Mark Durie, UK grooming gangs and Islam, Christian Concern, 13 November, 2025, p. 15.

112

In the Netherlands, considerable media coverage has focused on so-called “lover

boys” who are predominantly Moroccan Muslim men. These individuals first

seduce Dutch girls, often teenagers, and then coerce them into prostitution in

order to profit from their earnings. According to a 2001 report by the

Amsterdam based Child Right organisation, approximately 5,000 “ordinary”

Dutch schoolgirls aged 13 or 14 from typical family backgrounds had been lured

into prostitution by “lover boys.” The documentary film Lover Boys, directed by

Julia Rooke, follows the work of Ibrahim, a Dutch Moroccan social worker

supporting both the perpetrators and their victims.

In Sweden, a 2021 academic study examining “Swedish rape offenders”

concluded that nearly half of the convicted individuals were born outside

Sweden, with immigrants from the Middle East and North Africa being

markedly overrepresented among them.

In Australia, nine Lebanese Muslim men were convicted in 2002 of gang-raping

white girls. Contemporary media reports at the time indicated that police were

aware of over 60 female victims linked to the group, though the convictions

related to the rapes of seven girls. Police seized a mobile phone message from

one of the perpetrators that read:

“When you are feeling down … bash a Christian or Catholic and lift up.”

Statistics

Offender data from the 2017 Quilliam Foundation analysis, together with recent

independent investigations, reveal a consistent, disproportionate involvement of

Muslim men – overwhelmingly of Pakistani heritage – in group-based CSE.

The 250,000 figure is not a precise count. No such count exists because the

British state has failed to record it. But we may regard it as a conservative

estimate that accounts for the organised, repeated nature of the abuse (many

See Kate Warner, Gang Rape in Sydney: Crime, the Media, Politics, Race and Sentencing, Journal of Criminology,

Volume 37, Issue 3, December 2004.

Ardavan Khoshnood, Henrik Ohlsson, Jan Sundquist & Kristina Sundquist, Swedish rape offenders – a latent class

analysis, Forensic Sciences Research, 22 February, 2021.

See Julia Rooke & Caroline Pare, Lover Boys, Al Jazeera, 15 May, 2012.

113

girls raped hundreds of times by multiple perpetrators) and decades of

institutional concealment.

Analysis of 264 convictions for group-based child sexual exploitation from

2005–2017 found that 84% (222 offenders) were South Asian, with the vast

majority Pakistani Muslim. Only 7% were white and 8% black.

Additional context from expert commentary includes statements by Dr. Taj

Hargey, an imam at the Oxford Islamic Congregation, who observed that

virtually every individual in these grooming gangs appears to be Muslim,

estimating that 95% of those involved are of Muslim faith.

As previously stated, Peter McLoughlin’s research indicates that approximately

87% of rape gang convictions were of people with distinctively Muslim names.

These figures stand in marked contrast to the much smaller proportion of

Pakistani or Muslim communities within the overall population of modern

Britain (Muslims approximately 6.5% and Pakistanis around 2.1%, according to

the most recent census data). Multiple examinations, including police data from

various forces, national audits and independent reviews, have documented this

overrepresentation in group-based offending of this nature, even as some earlier

official narratives emphasized no single community profile or sought to

downplay ethnic patterns.

The number of reported rapes in the United Kingdom has risen substantially

since 1997, when the era of large-scale mass immigration into the country

commenced under Blair. Official police recorded crime data for England and

Wales indicate that rape offences stood at approximately 8,593 in the year 2000

– a figure closely aligned with levels observed in the late 1990s prior to major

changes in recording practices.

By the year ending March 2025, police recorded

that rape offences had increased to over 70,000 according to figures published by

the Office for National Statistics (ONS), reflecting a rise exceeding 800% even

See Office for National Statistics, Sexual offences in England and Wales overview: year ending March 2025, 4

November, 2025.

See Connor Tomlinson, Grooming Gang Denial Is Dead, Courage Media, 18 June, 2025.

See Fundamentalist ‘Muslims believe if the Prophet’ slept with a nine-year-old ‘what’s wrong with a

12-year-old?,’ claims Muslim leader, London Loves Business, 9 January, 2025.

See Haras Rafiq & Muna Adil, Group-Based Child Sexual Exploitation: Dissecting “Grooming Gangs”, Quilliam,

December 2017.

114

after accounting for population growth of around 15% during the intervening

years.

In stark contrast, Poland, which maintained relatively low levels of immigration

throughout the same period, has experienced a decline in reported rapes. Polish

national police data show 2,399 recorded rape offences in 2000 falling to 1,127 by

2023 – a reduction of more than 50%. With a stable population of approximately

38 million, this equates to a per capita rate of around three rapes per 100,000

residents in recent years, compared with over 100 per 100,000 in the United

Kingdom.

These comparative patterns drawn from official sources highlight divergent

trends between the two nations. References include the ONS bulletin on sexual

offences in England and Wales for the year ending March 2025, the Home Office

historical police recorded crime tables, and Eurostat police recorded offences

data alongside Polish national statistics compiled via Statista for the period

covering 2000 to 2023. Per capita calculations further underscore the scale of the

disparity when relative population sizes are considered.

These figures indicate that the rape gangs are a specific ethnoreligious

phenomenon, with Muslims – especially Pakistani Muslims – significantly

overrepresented.

See Statista, Number of rapes in Poland from 1999 to 2023.

See Office for National Statistics, Sexual offences in England and Wales overview: year ending March 2025, 4

November, 2025.

115

The

Influence

Islam

Muslim

Treatment

Non-Muslims

Worldwide

Britain is not a unique case. This sort of thing goes on anywhere that either

welcomes mass migration from Muslim countries or contains long-established

Muslim populations. There is a consistent pattern of sexual violence directed

against non-Muslim minorities in settings where Muslims form the majority.

Across Britain, as we have noted, girls from Sikh and Hindu backgrounds have

also been targeted by Muslim gangs. Unlike the White British majority, these

non-Muslim immigrant populations were never prevented from organising as a

collective to protect their own. In doing so, as was their duty, the Network of

Sikh Organisations drew attention to the “appalling treatment” of non-Muslims

in Pakistan:

“We need only look at the appalling treatment of girls from minority faiths in Pakistan –

where Christian, Hindu and Sikh girls are kidnapped, forced to convert to Islam and

married, to get an understanding of the underlying motivations. In 2018, around 1,000

girls in Pakistan’s Sindh province alone suﬀered this fate. In many cases, perpetrators are

granted impunity due to corruption and connivance with local oﬃcials.”

In April 2024, UN human rights experts expressed serious alarm regarding the

vulnerability of minority girls in Pakistan to forced religious conversions and

forced marriages. Their press release highlighted that Christian and Hindu girls

in particular face heightened risks of abduction, trafficking, child forced

marriage, domestic servitude, and sexual violence.

Human rights groups and media reports, including a 2021 BBC investigation,

have estimated that thousands of non-Muslim girls – primarily Christians,

The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) Press Release, Pakistan: UN

experts alarmed by lack of protection for minority girls from forced religious conversions and forced marriage, 11

April, 2024.

Network of Sikh Organisations, Our letter to the Home Secretary on grooming gangs, 20 January, 2025.

Needless to say, as our experience in Britain demonstrates, this same track record applies even when they are

one among many minorities.

116

Hindus, and Sikhs – are abducted annually in Pakistan, compelled to convert to

Islam, and forced into marriage with their abductors. One documented case

involved Farah, a 12-year-old Christian girl abducted from her home in June

2020 by three Muslim men, raped, and forced to perform household labour as a

slave.

A common sequence in these cases sees a girl abducted, coerced into signing a

conversion certificate, and swiftly married to a Muslim man. Police in Pakistan

frequently side with the abductors over the girl’s family. When parents pursue

legal action, courts tend to uphold the legitimacy of the conversion. Birth

certificates may be falsified to indicate that the girl is not a minor. Contact with

her family is typically blocked. Following conversion to Islam, non-Muslim

parents lose all authority over their child, as Islamic law prohibits non-Muslims

from exercising guardianship over Muslims, including their own offspring.

The evidence from grooming gang convictions across Britain repeatedly shows a

Muslim background among many of the perpetrators. When this is viewed

alongside similar patterns of sex crimes observed both in countries of origin for

immigrants and in Muslim-majority societies, it offers compelling grounds to

consider that elements of Islam are contributing to the grooming gang scourge

in our country.

While it is unsurprising that a religion can shape and regulate sexual behaviour,

the suggestion that Islam might play a role in driving sex crimes remains deeply

uncomfortable for some in the liberal West. Even so, the possibility of an Islamic

influence on these crimes cannot be dismissed. The available data strongly

points toward it as a hypothesis that merits serious examination.

The impact of any religion on individual behaviour is rarely direct and

unmediated; it is heavily filtered through culture, which a religion can gradually

reshape over generations. Not all Muslim communities or societies are

influenced by Islam to the same degree or in the same manner. Minority Muslim

populations may behave differently from majority ones. For instance,

convictions of Indian-origin Muslim men in grooming gang cases across Britain

Mike Thomson, Abducted, shackled and forced to marry at 12, BBC News, 10 March, 2021.

117

are notably rare compared with those of Pakistani heritage. This disparity may

relate to a demographic context: Muslims form only about 14% of India’s

population (with Hindus comprising around 80%), placing them in a minority

position where social and legal constraints differ markedly from Pakistan, where

Muslims dominate overwhelmingly and non-Muslims constitute a small, often

marginalised minority. In such a setting, exploiting non-Muslim neighbours

becomes far easier.

At least eight theological aspects of Islam may contribute to cultural patterns

that enable or normalise the sexual abuse of non-Muslim girls. These include (1)

the doctrine of Muslim superiority, (2) the principle of loyalty and disavowal

(al-walā' wa-l-barā'), (3) male dominance over women, (4) enforced seclusion and

veiling of women, (5) forced marriage combined with the absence of a fixed

minimum age of consent, (6) the perception of female sexuality as inherently

dangerous or ﬁtna, (7) the historical sharia institution of slavery, (8) and the

system of dhimmitude.

These are all rooted in classical Islamic theology, up to and including Islamic

jurisprudence. But even in sharia-governed nations, adaptations are common,

such as setting a minimum marriage age or restricting unilateral divorce by men

in order to lessen the harsher effects on women.

Muslim

Supremacism

Islam holds that those who are righteous and truly fear God, meaning Muslims,

are inherently superior to those who reject God’s commands, namely

non-Muslims. This idea is captured in Quran 3:110:

“You [Muslims] are the best nation, raised up for humankind, commanding what

is good and forbidding what is wrong, and believing in Allah. If only the people

of the book [i.e. Christians and Jews] believed, it would be better for them; some

among them are believers, but most are perverted.” (Sura 3:110)

The verse positions Muslims as the finest community, entrusted by God with the

duty to enjoin good and prohibit evil. This responsibility can be understood as

authorising Muslims to correct, compel, or, if needed, punish non-Muslims,

118

potentially through coercion or force. Other Quranic passages affirm Islam’s

ultimate supremacy over all religions, as in Sura 48:28:

“It is He [Allah] who has sent His Messenger with the guidance and the religion

of truth [Islam], to make it triumph over every religion.”

Non-Muslims who refuse Islam are described in harsh terms, such as in Sura

8:55:

“Surely the worst of animals in Allah’s sight are rejectors [of Islam]; they do not

believe.”

The concept of Muslim superiority is closely linked to derogatory views of

non-Muslims. For instance, Sura 9:28 labels “associators” (a pejorative term

encompassing Christians, Jews, and other non-Muslims) as “unclean” (najis).

These teachings can provide a religious justification that bolsters an abuser’s

conviction of their own superiority and facilitates the dehumanisation of

non-Muslim victims.

In her July 2020 podcast interview, Rotherham survivor Dr. Ella Hill described

abusive language and acts that embodied this sense of superiority. She recounted

being made to bend down and kiss her perpetrator’s feet as a deliberate act to

underscore her inferiority. She also spoke of another Rotherham victim who,

during gang rapes by dozens of men, was forced to lick their feet clean because

“they believed they were morally superior to her.” Hill observed:

“It’s a Muslim superiority thing: they believe they have maximum moral

authority to command the people beneath them to lick their feet.”

She further noted that her rapists viewed non-Muslim habits as inherently

impure:

“If you’re eating pork you’re unclean, you’re dirty. If you use a knife and fork

119

you’re dirty; if you don’t eat your food with your hands.”

‘Us

and

Them’

Mindset

The Islamic principle known as al-walā' wa-l-barā' (loyalty and disavowal)

commands Muslims to direct their love and allegiance towards what pleases God

while hating, avoiding, and distancing themselves from what displeases Him. In

essence, it calls for loving and supporting fellow believers and rejecting

non-believers.

This teaching draws on several Quranic verses, including:

“Let not the believers take the disbelievers as allies, rather than of believers –

whoever does that has nothing from God – unless you guard yourselves as a

precaution.” (Sura 3:28)

“You who believe! Do not take the Jews and the Christians as allies. They are

allies of each other. Whoever of you takes them as allies is already one of them.

Surely God does not guide the people who are evil doers [i.e. non-Muslims]. Yet

you see those in whose hearts is a sickness – they are quick [to turn] to them. …

Whoever takes God as an ally, and His Messenger [Muhammad], and those who

believe [Muslims] – surely the party of God, they are the victors.” (Sura

5:51–52, 56)

“There was a good example for you in Abraham, and those who were with him,

when they said to their people, “Surely we are quit of you and what you serve

instead of God. We repudiate you, and between us and you enmity has appeared,

and hatred forever, until you believe in God alone.” (Sura 60:4)

These passages emphasise that Muslims should maintain strong bonds within the

Muslim community while keeping non-Muslims at a distance and harbouring

enmity toward them. The Quran warns that God views non-Muslims with

contempt and that Muslims who befriend, ally with, or associate closely with

them risk being regarded by God as disbelievers themselves. While some

Muslims downplay this doctrine, revivalist movements, which have gained

See I Am a Grooming Gang Survivor: My Story | Triggernometry

120

considerable influence in Western countries, have actively promoted it,

presenting strict adherence to loyalty and disavowal as vital for the Muslim

community’s success in carrying out its divine mission.

Beyond its theological role, al-walā' wa-l-barā' has profoundly shaped certain

Islamic cultures. In such environments, many Muslims feel strong pressure not

to say or do anything that could damage the image of the Muslim community or

bring discredit to Islam. Within an honour- and shame-based framework

reinforced by these values, speaking out to outsiders about wrongdoing

committed by fellow Muslims is often seen as an act of betrayal. This dynamic

can have serious real-world consequences. For example, in her book The Imam’s

Daughter (2009), Hannan – later known as Hannah – described her experience as

a 14- or 15-year-old Pakistani teenager in Britain.

After confiding in a female teacher that her father, an imam, was beating her,

the teacher informed the deputy head, who arranged for a male Pakistani

Muslim social worker to meet with her at school. Initially terrified because of his

background, Hannan eventually opened up to him about being treated as a

domestic servant, fearing a forced marriage, and enduring physical abuse. That

same afternoon, she returned home to find the social worker speaking with her

father and relaying everything she had said. While the social worker was present,

her father acted kindly, but once he left, her father subjected her to a severe

beating and rape, threatened to kill her if she ever spoke again, and imprisoned

her in the cellar for days. When Hannan later encountered the social worker at

school and refused further contact, he reportedly told her:

“Hey, I was just doing what I thought was right, you know that. It’s not right to

betray your community.”

Similar patterns have appeared in accounts from grooming gang survivors. Some

have described approaching the police only to be interviewed by Muslim officers

who switched off the recording device and urged her to abandon her complaint

due to supposed “lack of evidence.”

Hannah Shah, The Imam’s Daughter: My Desperate Flight to Freedom (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2009).

121

A deeply ingrained culture of enforced loyalty and community protection can

discourage individuals from reporting abuses or providing evidence against

members of their own group. Had the social worker in Hannan’s case reported

her disclosures to the police, leading to her father facing criminal charges, he

would have exposed himself, and by extension those associated with him, to the

serious risk of being labelled a traitor within the community.

The prominent Indian-Pakistani Muslim thinker and revivalist Abul A‘la

Maududi, in his influential work Let Us Be Muslims (2016), maintained that

Muslims cannot achieve true success until their highest allegiance is given to

God and to the Muslim ummah (community). The doctrine of loyalty and

disavowal exerts particularly strong pressure when Muslims live as a minority in

non-Muslim host societies. In such settings, as they seek to preserve and assert a

powerful collective identity, Muslims may place even greater emphasis on

internal solidarity and separation from non-believers than they would in their

countries of origin.

Superiority

and

Dominance

Men

Over

Women

Islam establishes that men hold the position of managers or maintainers

(qawwāmūn) over women, as stated in Sura 4:34, where the role involves ensuring

women remain in their proper state. Under Islamic law, every woman remains

under the guardianship (walī) of a male relative. Normally, this is her father.

Should the father be unable to serve due to death, loss of mental capacity, or

apostasy from Islam, a specified order of male relatives from the paternal line

steps in, starting with the paternal grandfather, then sons, brothers, nephews,

and uncles. Sura 4:34 further authorises men to discipline their wives, including

through physical violence.

Numerous authoritative sources and sharia regulations reinforce the notion of

women’s inferiority to men. Sura 2:228 declares that men hold a rank above

women. The Prophet Muhammad stated that women are deficient in both

religion and intelligence relative to men, and in the same hadith he noted that

women form the majority of those in hell. He also taught that if a woman or a

See Sayyid Abul A'la Mawdudi, Let Us Be Muslims (Leicester: Kube Publishing, 2018).

122

dog passes in front of a praying man, the prayer is invalidated (a reason mosques

position men with their backs to women during prayer). Sharia obliges a wife to

engage in sexual intercourse with her husband whenever he desires it; if she

refuses, Muhammad said the angels will curse her until morning.

Divorce under sharia strongly favours men. A husband may unilaterally divorce

his wife without stating a reason simply by pronouncing “I divorce you” three

times. For a wife, obtaining a divorce is far more difficult, typically involving a

formal legal process and often a financial cost. Following divorce, the mother

may retain physical custody of young children up to a particular age, but the

father retains legal guardianship. Moreover, if the mother remarries, she loses

the right to have children from her previous marriage reside with her.

Sharia rules on evidence further diminish women’s status, valuing a woman’s

testimony at half that of a man’s.

Inheritance laws under sharia generally allocate women half the share given to

men (for example, a son receives twice the portion of a daughter). A wife or

wives together inherit one-quarter of a husband’s estate if he leaves no children,

or one-eighth if he does leave children. In contrast, a husband inherits half of his

wife’s estate if she has no children, or one-quarter if she does.

Sharia’s approach to rape also disadvantages women. Rape is categorised as a

form of zinā (illicit sexual intercourse), the same offence that covers adultery and

fornication. Zinā is defined as sexual intercourse between a man and a woman

who is neither his wife nor his slave. There is no distinct offence of rape; it is

treated as coerced zinā (and marital rape is not recognised). The penalty for the

rapist mirrors that for consensual extramarital sex: 100 lashes for an unmarried

person or stoning to death for one who is or has been married. When a woman

accuses a man of rape, her consent is presumed unless both the act of

penetration and her lack of consent are proven by four male eyewitnesses who

each directly observed the man’s penis entering the woman’s vagina. (Naturally,

the presence of four men witnessing a rape without intervening makes it highly

improbable they would testify in the victim’s favour). Should a woman allege

rape but fail to produce the four required male witnesses, she risks being

convicted of zinā on the basis of her own accusation. In 2003, Pakistan’s National

123

Commission on the Status of Women reported that up to 88% of women

imprisoned in Pakistan were rape or gang-rape victims who, unable to meet the

four witness requirement, were instead convicted of illicit sex.

Taken together, these sharia provisions that institutionalise male dominance

over women exert a profound influence. In cultures shaped by Islam, boys can be

raised to grow into men who assume rightful control over the women in their

lives, confident in their inherent superiority.

The

Seclusion

Women

Islamic law contains multiple provisions that mandate the covering and

seclusion of women. It is widely recognised that a Muslim woman must cover

most of her body when appearing in public. Additionally, sharia grants a male

guardian the authority to restrict a girl’s or a woman’s movements, allowing him

to confine a wife or daughter to the home and permit her to leave only when

accompanied by a male relative and for a valid reason.

This is reflected in Sura 33:33, which instructs women: “Stay in your houses and

do not flaunt yourselves.” One consequence of the sharia-derived culture of

covering and seclusion is that a woman who appears in public without covering

or remains outside the protected space of the home may be culturally perceived

as unguarded and therefore sexually available or promiscuous. This notion, that

an uncovered woman invites molestation, is suggested in Sura 33:59 of the

Quran, where Muhammad is instructed that his wives and daughters should

cover themselves so they are “not abused.”

Certain Islamic preachers have explicitly endorsed this view. Following the

high-profile convictions of Muslim men of Lebanese background for rape in

Sydney, Australia, the country’s Grand Mufti, Sheik Taj Aldin al-Hilali,

controversially placed blame on the victims for not being covered and not

remaining in their homes. He stated:

“If you take out uncovered meat and place it outside … without cover, and the

cats come to eat it … whose fault is it, the cats’ or the uncovered meat’s? The

See Pakistan: Majority of Jailed Women are Rape Victims, Feminist Majority Foundation Blog, 23 October, 2003.

124

uncovered meat is the problem. If she was in her room, in her home, in her hijab,

no problem would have occurred.”

In making these remarks, Sheikh al-Hilali was presenting Islamic norms as the

remedy to crimes of the kind committed by rape gangs. According to this

perspective, if individuals adopted Islam and adhered to its rules, women and

girls would be protected from such abuses because they would be kept secluded,

placed under permanent male supervision, and rendered invisible to outsiders.

Forced

Marriage

and

the

Age

Consent

Under sharia, marriage takes the form of a contract arranged between two men:

the groom and the bride’s male guardian (her walī). The structure closely

resembles a contract of sale. The groom pays an agreed sum, known as the mahr,

to the bride and in exchange she becomes sexually available to him.

Islamic jurisprudence sets no minimum age at which a girl or a woman may be

married. Religious authorities permit a father to arrange a marriage for his

daughter even while she is still an infant. The Prophet Muhammad himself

married Aisha when she was six, an arrangement made between Muhammad and

her father, and consummated the marriage when she was nine. The Quran itself

addresses the remarriage of a divorced girl who has not yet reached

menstruation (Sura 65:4).

Sharia distinguishes between types of guardians. The bride’s father or paternal

grandfather is termed a walī mujbir (‘forcing guardian’), because certain schools

of Islamic law allow him to compel a virgin daughter or granddaughter into

marriage without her consent. The notion that a girl must reach a particular age

before she can consent to sexual activity is foreign to Islam. In Islamic teaching,

the only lawful context for a woman to consent to sex is through marriage, and

even that consent is not always required.

Significantly, the Arabic term nikāḥ denotes both marriage and sexual

intercourse. Sharia in effect merges the two concepts. An unmarried woman is

See Anger at Al Hilaly’s ‘uncovered meat’ remarks, ABC, 26 October, 2006.

125

forbidden from engaging in sex, while a married woman has no right under

sharia to refuse sexual relations with her husband. Hadiths further state that a

virgin’s silence constitutes consent to marriage. This merging of consent to

marriage and consent to sex sheds light on Dr. Hill’s account that her rapists

interpreted their victims’ silence as consent to the rape, drawing on these same

hadiths.

Islamic scholars differ on the degree of physical or emotional maturity needed

for sexual intercourse within marriage. Some hold that the onset of puberty

serves as the threshold for readiness, though Muhammad consummated his

marriage with the nine-year-old Aisha before she reached puberty and others

permit ‘thighing’ (intercrural sex) with a wife who is menstruating or considered

too young for vaginal penetration. This practice Dr. Hill also described.

These observations suggest that Muslim grooming gangs may exhibit religious

and cultural indifference to the modern concept of an age of consent. In an

interview, Andrew Norfolk, one of the first journalists to expose Britain’s rape

gang scandal, stated that

“although Islam prohibits sex outside marriage, all four schools of Islamic jurisprudence

teach that a girl can be married when she reaches puberty, which on average in Britain

is 11.”

“When the Muslim Brotherhood Government took power in Egypt, one of the new laws

they were going to introduce was to lower the age of consent from 18 to 13, and

disappointment was voiced by certain Salaﬁs and Muslim Brotherhood scholars that it

wasn’t nine.”

“Islamic State had nine as the permissible age for marriage. I don’t think there’s the

same sense of wrongness and shame in some cases about having sex with a 12-year-old

girl.”

Abigail Frymann Rouch, “Sometimes journalists can step in when police and government fail”, Lapido Archive, 9

December, 2016.

126

Female

Sexuality

Islamic canonical sources portray women as possessing sexual desires that are at

least as strong as men’s, if not stronger and view these desires as potentially

harmful to men. The Prophet Muhammad stated: “After me I have not left any

trial more severe to men than women.” The Arabic term ﬁtna used here denotes

a severe trial that can involve seduction or temptation leading people astray

from faith, and it also carries connotations of chaos that disrupts social

harmony.

Muhammad further suggested that men are susceptible to sexual temptation,

explaining that Allah has preordained a portion of zinā (unlawful sexual

intercourse) for every man: “Allah has written for the son of Adam his inevitable

share of zinā whether he is aware of it or not.”

One practical expression of anxiety over women’s sexuality is the practice of

female genital mutilation (FGM), which various schools of Islamic law either

require or strongly recommend as a way to curb excessive female sexual desire.

Another reflection of the perceived danger posed by female sexuality is the strict

separation of the sexes, enforced through practices such as veiling women’s

bodies, restricting them to the home, and the Quranic directive against men and

women gazing at one another:

“Tell the believing men that they should lower their gaze and guard their private parts.

That is purer for them. Surely Allah is aware of what they do. And say to the believing

women that they should lower their gaze and guard their private parts, and not show

their charms.” (Sura 24:30–31)

Dr. Hill described being subjected to this rule in practice: “I was told to look at

the floor when I was around Muslim men.” She was informed that if a woman

looks at a man, “that means she wants to have sex with him.”

Although female sexuality is seen as a source of ﬁtna, sharia assigns men

regarded as more rational and better able to exercise self-restraint the

God-given responsibility to oversee and regulate women. From this perspective,

127

a woman who fails to comply with sharia norms – for instance, by appearing

unveiled and unaccompanied in public – represents a danger to social order. In

such a framework, responsibility for any sexual assault she suffers is often

attributed to her own behaviour, especially when combined with notions of the

inherent impurity of non-Muslims.

This outlook leads to non-Muslim women who appear uncovered and move

freely without male supervision being labelled as ‘sluts’ who are eager to entice

men. In this cultural context, a Muslim man who engages in sexual activity with

such a woman bears no blame; the fault lies entirely with the woman.

Islamic teachings concerning the perilous nature of female sexuality and the

moral inferiority of non-Muslims can reinforce and legitimise this pattern of

attributing responsibility to the victim.

Jihad

and

Sex

Slavery

Islamic sharia contains detailed regulations governing armed conflict, including

provisions related to the institution of slavery. In Islamic law, slavery arises as a

consequence of warfare against non-Muslims (infidels). Non-Muslim captives

taken in such conflicts are regarded as lawfully enslaved simply by virtue of their

capture. These captives may then be allocated to Muslim combatants as part of

the war booty (spoils). They can subsequently be sold, ransomed, or retained in

slavery. Historical records show that during the Prophet Muhammad’s lifetime,

Muslim forces enslaved women captured from enemy groups in more than a

dozen military engagements.

Under sharia, sexual relations between a male owner and his female captive slave

do not constitute zinā. This is explicitly authorised in multiple Quranic passages

(e.g., Sura 4:24, 23:6, 70:30) and supported by numerous hadith precedents.

Moreover, Muhammad taught that a married non-Muslim woman captured in

war is automatically divorced from her previous husband by the act of capture

itself. As a result, sexual intercourse between her Muslim captor-owner and the

(formerly) married captive does not amount to adultery.

At first glance, it may appear incongruous to connect the classical Islamic

128

institution of slavery with the sexual abuse of white girls in contemporary

Britain. Yet the historical record reveals a long-standing pattern of Islamic

enslavement and sexual exploitation of white women. Historians estimate that

between the 16th and 19th centuries, approximately one million Europeans were

seized for profit as part of the Barbary slave trade. In March 1786, when Thomas

Jefferson and John Adams inquired of Tripoli’s ambassador to France why the

Barbary states waged war on nations that had not attacked them, Sidi Haji

Abdul Rahman reportedly answered:

“It was written in their Koran, that all nations which had not acknowledged the Prophet

were sinners, whom it was the right and duty of the faithful to plunder and enslave; and

that every mussulman [Muslim] who was slain in this warfare was sure to go to

paradise. He said, also, that the man who was the ﬁrst to board a vessel had one slave

over and above his share.”

In recent times, Islamic terrorist groups such as ISIS have openly asserted the

right to revive Islamic slavery. A significant contemporary legal debate among

Muslim scholars concerns the proper classification of Western countries that

now host large Muslim immigrant populations. In classical Islamic

jurisprudence, any non-Muslim nation was presumptively categorised as dār

al-ḥarb (“the house of war”), from which Muslims had the “right and duty” to

take slaves, as articulated by the Tripoli ambassador. Medieval sharia treated dār

al-ḥarb as the default status for infidel territories. A doctrine attributed to

Muhammad further obliges Muslims residing in dār al-ḥarb to perform hijra

(migration) to a territory governed by Islam, particularly if they cannot freely

practise their faith. This duty to migrate continues to be emphasised by many

Salafi groups.

In modern times, however, various adaptations have emerged to accommodate

changed realities. Some authorities now classify Western nations as dār al-da‘wa

(“house of propagation”), where Muslims enjoy freedom to invite others to

Islam; in such circumstances the obligation to wage jihad is thought to have

been suspended. Other scholars maintain that an implicit “covenant of security”

exists for Muslim migrants in the West: they are permitted to live and operate

American Peace Commissioners to John Jay, March 28, 1786. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Series 1. General

Correspondence. 1651–1827, Library of Congress.

129

freely in exchange for refraining from jihad against the host society.

It is worth emphasising that the alternative classifications of Western countries,

such as dār al-da‘wa or a tacit covenant of security, serve only to postpone, rather

than eliminate, the traditional obligation to engage in jihad. For at least some

Muslims with radical inclinations, the issue is not whether jihad will eventually

be required, but merely when the appropriate moment arrives.

Certain Muslim men, lacking deep scholarly knowledge, often rationalise their

grooming gang offences by mentally recasting their victims in the role of

legitimate slave property under an Islamic framework. In Rotherham, for

instance, one perpetrator named Muhammad branded his victim with the letter

‘M’ as a mark of ownership. Survivors have described being compelled to

perform domestic tasks such as cooking and cleaning for their captors, while

enduring repeated sexual violation, mirroring the treatment of household slaves.

Journalist Andrew Norfolk captured this mindset when he observed:

“Some of these [Muslim] kids have got an idea, probably because it’s quite convenient for

them, that Britain’s been designated a land of war, so certain things have become

permissible in terms of “the enemy”; I think some of these guys think it’s okay to do stuﬀ

to white girls that they wouldn’t dream of doing to Muslim girls.”

Dhimmitude:

Islam’s

Treatment

Conquered

Non-Muslim

Peoples

Islamic jurisprudence also addresses the treatment of non-Muslim populations

conquered through jihad. Classical sharia rules on jihad, defined as warfare

waged against non-Muslims to extend the dominion of Islam, crystallised during

the medieval era. As we have just noted, these rules divided the world into two

fundamental categories: the dār al-Islām (“the house of Islam”), territories

governed by Islamic authority, and the dār al-ḥarb (“the house of war”),

territories under non-Muslim control.

Abigail Frymann Rouch, “Sometimes journalists can step in when police and government fail”, Lapido Archive, 9

December, 2016.

130

Under this framework, non-Muslims fell into one of two groups. Those residing

within the house of Islam were considered protected, provided they fulfilled

specific obligations and were not legitimate targets of military action. By

contrast, those living in the house of war could lawfully be fought, defeated, and

upon capture enslaved.

When non-Muslim communities came under Islamic rule, they were granted

conditional tolerance through a formal surrender agreement known as the

dhimma pact. This arrangement allowed dhimmis (protected non-Muslims) to

retain their religion, but only on the condition that adult males paid an annual

tax called the jizya and that the entire community observed a range of restrictive

regulations. As the renowned commentator Ibn Kathir explained, these rules

were designed to ensure their continued humiliation, degradation, and disgrace.

If a dhimmi community was deemed to have violated the pact, whether by failing

to pay the jizya or by breaching any of the imposed conditions, Islamic law

permitted the resumption of jihad. In such circumstances, the full sharia

regulations of war would apply: adult males could be killed, women and children

enslaved, and the property of non-Muslims seized as spoils.

The dhimma framework imposed a permanent condition of insecurity on

Christian (and other non-Muslim) populations under Muslim sovereignty. It has

supplied a religiously sanctioned cultural template that continues to underpin

the abduction, forced conversion, and coerced marriage of non-Muslim girls in

places such as Egypt and Pakistan.

One way to view the involvement, or lack thereof, of British state officials in the

rape gang scandal is as an incorporation of dhimmi-like submissiveness. This

mindset prioritises deference to Islam and Muslims above all else, while

dismissing or assigning fault to non-believers. From this perspective, the failure

of authorities to act decisively against the grooming gang issue might represent a

significant step in the gradual Islamisation of Britain.

131

Islamic

Clan

Culture

Evidence from the author and activist Ayaan Hirsi Ali at the Inquiry highlights

that the grooming and rape gangs operating in towns such as Rotherham,

Rochdale, and others are not isolated instances of criminality, but stem from

imported pre-modern clan systems embedded within certain ethno-cultural

communities, reinforced by specifically Islamic collectivism. As before stated,

the crimes disproportionately involve perpetrators from Pakistani heritage

backgrounds, with patterns rooted in honour- and shame-based dynamics that

are wholly anathema to British norms.

The behaviour is deeply tied to tribal structures prevalent in parts of Pakistan,

Afghanistan, the Middle East, North Africa, and Somalia:

●

Family honour is primarily vested in the conduct, modesty, and virginity

of girls and women. Strict codes require obedience, covering, and

restricted interaction with outsiders. Breaches within the community

trigger severe sanctions, including honour killings or collective retaliation

by male clan members.

●

When the target is a non-Muslim girl – particularly White British girls

perceived as unguarded, dressed in Western styles and lacking male

protectors – the risk calculation shifts. No retaliation is expected from

the girl’s family or community, so some young men feel emboldened to

treat her as property and then approach, assault, groom, share among the

group, and sell her services.

●

This proprietorial view of women escalates into organised networks that

traffic girls across regions. Impunity fuels the cycle: initial assaults

without consequences create a perception of Britain as a place where such

behaviour carries no risk, turning vulnerable girls into commodified

products.

A key contrast emerged in evidence. When similar gangs targeted Sikh girls, the

Sikh community mobilised men to confront and deter the perpetrators

effectively. White working-class girls lacked equivalent collective protection, not

least because authorities often silenced concerns with accusations of racism,

allowing the abuse to persist and expand into modern-day slavery.

132

Even second-, third-, or fourth-generation immigrants raised in Britain continue

these patterns, acting as demographic clusters where the clan system reproduces

itself and intensifies, regardless of the wider culture. Ongoing immigration from

such clannish foreign backwaters serves only to replenish and strengthen such

communities.

While the foundational system is tribal rather than purely religious, Islamic

elements provide ideological justification, communal shielding, and strategic

expansion. Perpetrators sometimes hide actions from families, mosques, and

imams because the behaviour brings disgrace to the community. Yet remorse

toward British victims is limited because non-Muslim girls are not viewed as

fully human individuals deserving protection, but as unprotected outsiders

available for abuse without moral consequence. This fosters widespread silence

within affected communities.

The Inquiry evidence points to a fundamental clash of worlds. Across the West,

our historic respect for the individual has, thanks to mass immigration, been

overpowered by the more primitive attitudes that prevail elsewhere, according

to which group membership matters first and foremost. The elite obsession with

diversity has invited the latter to take advantage of the former. Scare-words like

‘Islamophobia’ and ‘racism’ have been deployed to exploit the good will of

Western host societies, paralysing investigation and enforcement.

133

Homegrown

Enabling

Factors

‘Islamophobia’

and

Political

Correctness

Concerns have long been raised that fear of accusations of ‘Islamophobia’ has

inhibited open discussion and effective action on group-based child sexual

exploitation cases, particularly those involving grooming gangs.

A series of reports and analyses from the think tank Policy Exchange have

documented how the charge of ‘Islamophobia’ has been deployed to challenge,

intimidate or discredit individuals and organisations attempting to highlight the

issue. In a 2025 research note titled “The Rotherham Grooming Scandal and the

Creators of the Islamophobia Definition,” Policy Exchange examined

connections between the scandal in Rotherham and the development of a

contested definition of ‘Islamophobia’ by the All-Party Parliamentary Group

(APPG) on Muslims. The report highlighted the role of a key APPG staff

member from Rotherham, Muhbeen Hussain, who in 2015 organised a

community protest against South Yorkshire Police, accusing them of

“scapegoating” Muslims amid the grooming investigations – actions described

by some local figures and inquiries as unhelpful to addressing the abuse.

It also

tells us a great deal about the politically correct institutional culture within

Rotherham Metropolitan Borough Council that in attendance at a safeguarding

strategy meeting, dated 6 June, 2000, was an “Anti-Racism Co-ordinator” named

Bhupinder K. Mauku.

Similar themes appear in Policy Exchange’s June 2025 publication “How Not To

Tackle Grooming Gangs,” which argues that accusations of ‘Islamophobia’ –

independent of any formal definition – have been used to suppress exposure of

the scandal and the pursuit of justice for victims. It recommends pausing

government work on an official ‘Islamophobia’ definition until the conclusions

of a national grooming gangs inquiry are known.

Sir John Jenkins KCMG LVO, Andrew Gilligan & Dr. Paul Stott, How Not To Tackle Grooming Gangs: The

National Grooming Inquiry and A Definition of Islamophobia, Policy Exchange, June 2025.

Andrew Gilligan & Dr. Paul Stott, The Rotherham Grooming Scandal and the Creators of the Islamophobia

Definition, Policy Exchange, February 2025.

134

Politicians have echoed these worries in relation to proposed definitions.

Shadow Equalities Minister Claire Coutinho has warned that adopting such a

definition, particularly one framed as targeting expressions of “Muslimness,”

could intensify a “culture of censorship,” potentially granting perpetrators

greater impunity by making legitimate scrutiny of patterns in grooming cases

more difficult or risky for police, authorities, and the public. She has argued that

this risks repeating past mistakes where fear of racist or ‘Islamophobic’ labels

contributed to delayed or inadequate responses.

The concern to shield Muslims from criticism at all costs went hand in hand

with a more general ideological shift organised around the unquestioning

treatment of minorities as special victim groups.

Rooted in the Left-liberal

paradigm of the 1960s, this minoritarian outlook first scored political victories

under Harold Wilson’s Labour government. In time, tolerance, multiculturalism,

and anti-discrimination became highly prized values in elite circles. The law,

too, began to foster an environment in which challenging certain minority

communities, including Muslim ones, became politically dangerous and even

criminal. This enabled the grooming gangs to operate with impunity for years

because authorities at every level, as we have seen, feared being labelled ‘racist’

or ‘Islamophobic’ more than they feared failing the girls to whom they owed a

duty of care.

The legal framework that underpinned this paralysis began with the Race

Relations Act 1965 and its even stronger successor in 1976. These statutes,

designed to combat overt discrimination, were interpreted and expanded in

ways that made any discussion of ethnicity or culture in crime patterns

hazardous. The Macpherson Report (1999) following the Stephen Lawrence

Inquiry branded the police “institutionally racist” and introduced a definition of

racism so broad that police officers and social workers became terrified of any

action that could be construed as targeting ethnic minorities.

Across Britain,

clear evidence of organised abuse by Pakistani gangs, among other

majority-Muslim ethnic groups, was ignored because confronting it risked

accusations of racism. The fear was not abstract. Senior officers and council staff

explicitly cited concerns about so-called “community relations” and potential

See Theodore Dalrymple, A Modern Witch Trial, City Journal, Spring 2009.

See Eric Kaufmann, Taboo: How Making Race Sacred Produced A Cultural Revolution (London: Swift Press, 2024).

135

race riots as reasons for inaction.

The country’s transformation was greatly accelerated under Tony Blair’s New

Labour project, which culminated in the Equality Act 2010. This consolidated

and strengthened so-called ‘anti-discrimination’ protections by adding religion

as a protected characteristic alongside race. Combined with hate crime

legislation under Part III of the Public Order Act 1986 and the Crime and

Disorder Act 1998, it created an environment in which criticising aspects of

Islamic culture or patterns of offending linked to Muslim communities could be

framed as ‘racial hatred’ or ‘Islamophobia.’ Official definitions of ‘Islamophobia’

promoted by some campaign groups further blurred the line between legitimate

concern and blind prejudice. The result was a chilling effect across public

institutions. Police forces, social services, and local councils repeatedly chose

silence or denial over robust investigation because the political and professional

costs of appearing to single out Muslims was deemed too high. The Casey

National Audit of 2025 confirmed this pattern, noting that authorities shied

away from examining ethnicity and culture even when the data pointed

overwhelmingly to Pakistani Muslim perpetrators.

What went wrong is now painfully clear. The post war liberal consensus that

began with Wilson emphasised diversity, inclusion, and non-judgementalism as

supreme virtues. Multiculturalism replaced national self-confidence as the

guiding principle. Long-standing British norms around free speech, child

protection, and impartial application of the law were subordinated to the need

to avoid offending minority sensitivities at all costs. Liberal elites in media,

politics, and the public sector internalised the idea that acknowledging cultural

or religious factors in crime was itself a form of bigotry. This mindset actively

shielded the rape gangs by discouraging the very inquiries and interventions that

could have saved thousands of children.

Until the country rejects the fear of being called ‘racist’ and restores the courage

to name uncomfortable truths, the conditions that allowed these networks to

thrive will remain. This Inquiry records the damage without apology. The

paralysis of our institutions was not some fluke. It was the predictable outcome

See Baroness Casey of Blackstock DBE CB, National Audit on Group-Based Child Sexual Exploitation and

Abuse, June 2025.

136

of decades of legal and cultural changes that placed sensitivity above justice.

The

Law

The law of the land has not merely failed the victims of grooming gangs, but

actively enabled the perpetrators. For decades, statutes that should have

delivered swift, exemplary justice were either ignored, diluted or deliberately

misapplied in a manner that protected organised networks of predominantly

Pakistani Muslim men while leaving thousands of British girls without

protection or redress.

The legal framework governing organised sexual exploitation – commonly

described in public discourse as grooming gangs – is extensive, but fragmented.

It consists of overlapping criminal offences, human rights obligations, civil

liabilities, and sentencing structures. While Parliament has enacted a broad suite

of statutory provisions designed to criminalise sexual exploitation in all its

forms, serious questions remain as to whether the law has been sufficiently

coherent, proactive or effective in preventing systematic abuse.

At the core of the criminal law response lies the Sexual Offences Act 2003. This

statute represents the principal legislative mechanism for addressing rape, sexual

exploitation, and grooming. It criminalises a wide spectrum of conduct, ranging

from rape and assault by penetration to causing or inciting a child to engage in

sexual activity and facilitating sexual exploitation. The Act also contains specific

offences concerning abuse of positions of trust, trafficking for sexual

exploitation, and paying for the sexual services of a child. Collectively, these

provisions were intended to modernise and consolidate earlier sexual offences

legislation.

However, their practical operation in cases involving organised exploitation has

often revealed structural limitations. The statutory framework presumes that the

criminal justice system will detect and intervene early in abusive patterns of

conduct. In practice, many cases of organised abuse have involved prolonged

periods during which victims were groomed, trafficked, and repeatedly assaulted

without meaningful intervention by authorities.

137

Subsequent legislation, including the Serious Crime Act 2015, expanded the

concept of sexual exploitation to encompass a broader range of behaviours,

including non-contact abuse and technologically facilitated exploitation. This

expansion reflected an evolving understanding of grooming as a process rather

than a single criminal act. Nevertheless, legislative reform has largely been

reactive. It has tended to follow public scandals rather than anticipate systemic

patterns of abuse. As a result, the legal framework often appears to be piecemeal

rather than strategically designed.

In cases involving organised sexual exploitation, prosecutors frequently rely on a

constellation of offences rather than any single overarching charge. Perpetrators

may be convicted of conspiracy to rape, trafficking for sexual exploitation,

arranging child prostitution, and a variety of associated offences, including drug

supply and false imprisonment. Such cases demonstrate that the criminal law is

capable of imposing severe sentences, including life imprisonment, where the

offending is particularly grave. Yet these outcomes tend to occur only after

extensive investigations and multiple failures of early intervention. The law’s

capacity to punish extreme wrongdoing is therefore clear, but its capacity to

prevent such wrongdoing remains contestable.

Another critical dimension concerns trafficking and modern slavery legislation.

The Modern Slavery Act 2015 criminalises human trafficking for sexual

exploitation and provides for life sentences in the most serious cases. The

intention in passing it was to recognise that organised sexual exploitation

frequently involves coercion, movement of victims, and exploitation for profit.

However, critics argue that the conceptual overlap between trafficking offences

and traditional sexual offences has sometimes created uncertainty in charging

decisions. The distinction between trafficking and exploitation is not always

straightforward, particularly when victims are groomed into apparent

compliance rather than transported by force. This ambiguity may complicate

prosecutions and reduce the deterrent effect of the law.

The legal framework also extends beyond criminal liability to encompass civil

and human rights obligations. Article 3 of the European Convention on Human

Rights (ECHR) imposes a positive duty on the state to investigate credible

138

allegations of rape and serious sexual assault. Courts have held that systemic

failures in investigation may constitute breaches of fundamental rights, even

where perpetrators are ultimately prosecuted. This principle is of particular

significance in organised exploitation cases, where victims have frequently

alleged prolonged institutional inaction. The law, therefore, recognises that state

authorities may bear responsibility not only for direct wrongdoing but also for

failures to prevent or respond to grave abuses.

Despite this extensive legal architecture, the operation of the law in practice has

been inadequate. One recurring criticism is that the legal framework places

significant emphasis on individual criminal acts while insufficiently addressing

patterns of organised exploitation. Rape gangs typically operate through

networks characterised by manipulation, coercion, and economic exploitation.

The law’s traditional focus on discrete offences can obscure the systemic nature

of such conduct. Although conspiracy and trafficking offences partially address

this gap, there remains no single statutory offence that fully captures the

phenomenon of organised sexual exploitation as a distinctly structured form of

criminality.

A further difficulty lies in evidential challenges. Grooming often involves

psychological manipulation that undermines the credibility of victims in the

eyes of investigators and juries. The legal concept of consent remains central to

many sexual offences, yet it can be ill-suited to situations involving vulnerable

children conditioned by their abusers to acquiesce. While courts have recognised

that apparent consent may be illusory in such contexts, the statutory framework

continues to rely heavily on more straightforward forms of evidence. This has at

times created barriers to prosecution and contributed to perceptions that the

law inadequately reflects the realities of coercive exploitation.

Moreover, the law’s reliance on post hoc punishment raises broader questions

about preventative capacity. Statutory offences are designed to respond once

exploitation has occurred or is imminently planned. Preventative mechanisms

such as risk orders and safeguarding duties exist, but their effectiveness depends

on institutional vigilance and inter-agency cooperation. Where such cooperation

fails, the legal framework offers limited remedies beyond retrospective

139

accountability. This is insufficient to address organised exploitation that occurs

over extended periods.

Failure

Invoke

Existing

Sentencing

Powers

The Crime and Disorder Act 1998 and Sentencing Council guidelines explicitly

permit, and in cases of demonstrated hostility require, an uplift in the imposed

sentence where an offence is aggravated by racial or religious hostility. Evidence

in grooming gang trials has repeatedly shown precisely this: victims described as

“white slags,” “white trash,” “kuffar bitches,” or told they were “only good for

men like me to fuck and use like trash.” Perpetrators shouted “Allahu Akbar”

and boasted of racial supremacy.

Yet as far as available public records are concerned, racial aggravations have

never once been invoked against anti-white rape gangs, either by prosecutors or

judges.

This is in stark contrast to what tends to happen whenever white

criminals are held to account for interracial crimes. Prosecutors did not hesitate,

for instance, to pursue aggravating charges against Darren Osborne after he

murdered a crowd of Muslims with his van in 2017. Sentencing Osborne to life

imprisonment with a minimum tariff of 43 years, the judge cited Schedule 21 to

the Criminal Justice Act 2003 to confirm that “a murder done for the purpose of

advancing a political, religious, racial or ideological cause” counted – alongside

“a terrorist connection” – as an aggravating factor in Osborne’s crime.

Sentences in rape gang cases, meanwhile, have remained at the lower end of the

scale, often 4–12 years for men convicted of raping dozens of children over years,

rather than the life sentences or 20+ year tariffs the offending merited. Shadow

Minister for Justice Kieran Mullan drew attention at our hearings to the fact

that many of those involved in rape gangs serve as little to a third to half of their

sentence. Worse still, foreign national perpetrators (many from Pakistan and

other Muslim-majority countries) were rarely deported after sentencing despite

clear powers under the UK Borders Act 2007. Instead, they were housed, fed,

and upon release allowed to reoffend or return to their communities.

Woolwich Crown Court, R v. DARREN OSBORNE, Sentencing Remarks, 2 February, 2018.

See Martin Evans & Steven Swinford, ‘Racist’ Asian sex gangs: MPs demand tougher sentences for grooming

young white girls, The Telegraph, 11 August, 2017 & Laurie Wastell, Why weren’t the grooming gangs treated as

race-hate crimes?, The Spectator, 21 December, 2025.

140

In the Quilliam Foundation’s analysis of 264 convictions (2005–2017), the

overwhelming majority of perpetrators received terms that bore no relation to

the lifetime harm inflicted.

Even in high-profile cases such as Rotherham and

Rochdale, ringleaders received effective tariffs that allowed release after serving

less than half their sentence. This leniency persisted despite the organised,

predatory, and repeated nature of the crimes.

Cultural

Defences

and

Judicial

Relativism

British courts repeatedly allowed cultural background to function as a de facto

mitigating factor. In one Bristol case documented in the Quilliam report, a

defendant argued that forcing a girl to have sex with his friends was simply

“Somali culture and tradition.” In Rotherham, another claimed Western girls’

clothing invited and provoked abuse. These arguments were entertained rather

than dismissed outright. Judges and defence counsel cited “cultural sensitivity”

to avoid “empowering the far Right” or damaging “community cohesion” – the

very phrase used in the Casey Review to explain why cases were shelved

pre-2012.

The result is that men who viewed White British girls as sub-human property

received discounts unavailable to any other category of offender. This is not

justice under the law of the land; it is the importation of foreign honour-shame

norms into the British courtroom, with the explicit acquiescence of senior police

officers, prosecutors, and judges.

Party

Politics

As Ayaan Hirsi Ali told this Inquiry, centre-left parties viewed Muslim voting

blocs as a protected base and aggressive prosecution or deportation risked losing

those votes. Chronic electoral dependence on such blocs thus paralysed far too

many levels of government. Political actors across the board – national, local,

and devolved – knew about the organised rape gangs for decades yet put

electoral survival, so-called “community relations,” and fear of racism

See Haras Rafiq & Muna Adil, Group-Based Child Sexual Exploitation: Dissecting “Grooming Gangs”,

Quilliam, December 2017.

141

accusations before child protection. Labour Party figures proved especially

guilty of making electoral calculations where they should have been looking out

for the nation’s children. Combined with demographic shifts in swing seats, this

got in the way of concerted inaction.

Scotland refused to hold its own inquiry before finally caving in February 2026.

It continues to fail to record offender ethnicity or create specific child sexual

exploitation markers. Early warnings from the 1980s onwards went ignored

because addressing the offending risked political cost. Politics placed retention

of power above the safety of children, allowing the gangs to operate with

impunity for decades.

Politicians received direct briefings, sat in multi-agency meetings, read internal

intelligence and still denied knowledge, blocked inquiries, and silenced critics in

order to cleave to Muslim voting blocs. This was not ignorance of the crimes, but

calculated, repeated, nationwide abandonment of children.

The

Labour

Party

The Labour Party bears primary responsibility for the longest and most

deliberate cover-up. As the former Conservative councillor Liam Billington

emphasised to our Inquiry, Labour-dominated local councils and MPs repeatedly

prioritised electoral dependence on Pakistani Muslim communities above the

safety of children.

Jess Phillips MP and Naz Shah MP maintained public silence on the ethnic and

religious patterns of the gangs while their constituencies suffered. Evidence

shows Labour politicians prioritised avoiding ‘far-right empowerment’

narratives and ensuring so-called “community relations” over protecting victims.

In Oldham, Labour councillors and leadership received one of our whistleblower

social worker’s disclosures on trafficking inside council-run and

semi-independent units yet retaliated against the whistleblower and took no

remedial action. The same pattern occurred in Rotherham, Rochdale, Telford,

Burnley, and Peterborough. Labour councils surrendered streets, ignored

parental reports, and allowed perpetrators to operate, among other reasons

because Muslim voting blocs were electorally vital.

142

Former detective constable and Rochdale rape gang whistleblower Maggie

Oliver has criticised the Mayor of Greater Manchester Andy Burnham, with

whom Oliver herself has worked, for failing to piece together a full picture of

the information necessary to combat the rape gangs that still operate in his area.

Despite ordering some preliminary independent reviews into CSE across

Manchester, Burnham stands accused of focussing exclusively on the failures of

the past. Oliver is on record further suggesting that two trustworthy reviewers

resigned from the final phase of Burnham’s inquiry – dealing with the years 2019

to 2025 – because they were “blocked” by Greater Manchester Police from

accessing vital documents and speaking to some survivors. As Oliver puts it,

“What I had come to see and believe is that whilst the PR machine [was] wheeled out

very well about what was already in the public arena. When it comes to leadership and

courage and gripping what is going on now, unfortunately he [Burnham] turned away.

We missed a huge opportunity to bring changes that are needed.”

Even reviews that did produce valuable findings have seldom been followed by

decisive action. Commissioned in 2017, Burnham’s limited independent review

concluded that authorities had failed to protect children from paedophile gangs

in Manchester, Oldham, and Rochdale.

However, no officers were fired or

stripped of their pensions for the historic failings exposed. Nor has Burnham

exercised his powers as Police and Crime Commissioner – a position he

automatically holds as an extension of his Mayoralty – to prosecute any of the

officers found to have failed the victims of predatory gangs.

Labour politicians did not merely fail to act, but actively denied that the

problem existed, smeared those raising alarms, and blocked local inquiries that

would have revealed the full scale. They sacrificed thousands of white

working-class girls to its electoral alliance with Pakistani Muslim communities

and to the general reputation of multiculturalism among the public. Such

institutional paralysis was not accidental, but political, for even when a few

Joseph Timan, Andy Burnham gives grooming gangs update as GMP says officers behind past failings WON’T

be punished, Manchester Evening News, 13 December, 2024.

Mathilde Grandjean, Andy Burnham defends Greater Manchester inquiry into grooming gangs, The

Independent, 5 January, 2025.

Pieter Snepvangers, Burnham ‘failed to grasp the nettle’ on grooming gang inquiry, The Telegraph, 17 May, 2026.

143

Labour politicians such as Sarah Champion did speak up, they were dismissed.

In Rotherham, Rochdale, Oxford, Telford, and dozens of other towns,

Labour-controlled councils and police forces repeatedly shelved investigations,

threatened whistleblowers with ‘racism’ accusations, and instructed officers not

to record the ethnicity of perpetrators. The 2014 Jay Report exposed how Labour

councillors and senior officials in Rotherham dismissed the systematic rape of

1,400 girls because to do otherwise risked alienating the Pakistani community.

This pattern was repeated nationwide.

This betrayal continued into government. In January 2025, Labour MPs voted en

masse against a Conservative amendment calling for a national statutory inquiry

into grooming gangs. The amendment was defeated by 364 votes to 111. Sir Keir

Starmer and his frontbench abstained or opposed the measure, dismissing

public concern as ‘far-right’ agitation. It took sustained external pressure,

including the damning Casey National Audit, this independent inquiry and

public outrage, to force a U-turn in June 2025. Even then, the government

watered down local inquiries, with reports that plans for five separate reviews

were quietly dropped “to avoid offending Pakistanis.”

Jess Phillips, appointed Safeguarding Minister, had much to do with his show of

contempt by the Labour Party. Survivors resigned from her victim panel in

disgust, condemning the process as a sham. Phillips apologised for delays, but

retained the full backing of Sir Keir Starmer. Under her watch, ethnicity

recording remains patchy and the anti-white aspect of these horrendous crimes

continues to be downplayed.

This is the same Labour Party that has consistently weaponised accusations of

‘Islamophobia’ to silence anyone who stated the obvious: that the gangs were

and remain overwhelmingly Pakistani Muslim men. As a result, the nation has

suffered decades of state-enabled child rape on an industrial scale.

Charles Hymas, Labour ‘dropped grooming gangs inquiries to avoid offending Pakistanis’, The Telegraph, 9

April, 2025.

See Alexis Jay OBE, Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Exploitation in Rotherham: 1997-2013, 21 August,

2014.

144

National

Inquiry

The Labour Government’s so-called “Independent Inquiry into Grooming

Gangs” announced in December 2025 and chaired by Baroness Anne Longfield is

a masterclass in institutional evasion.

Its draft terms of reference, finalised in

March 2026, deliberately confine the scope to “group-based child sexual

exploitation and abuse” in a handful of “relevant local areas.” The inquiry is

explicitly time-limited, “targeted and proportionate,” and framed as an exercise

in examining “failures in practice” and “obstruction by statutory services.”

There is no mandate to examine the national scale of the problem, the

overwhelming ethnic and religious profile of the perpetrators, the honour- and

shame-based cultural drivers, or the role of political correctness and electoral

cynicism in allowing the abuse to flourish for decades. Victims and survivors are

notionally placed “at the centre” yet the terms of reference carefully avoid the

very questions that the public and the survivors have demanded be answered for

decades.

This is not an inquiry designed to deliver truth or justice. It is a containment

exercise. By narrowing the focus to local operational failures and excluding any

systematic analysis of the demographic, cultural, and religious patterns that

witnesses have repeatedly described, the government has ensured that the most

uncomfortable truths – not least those that implicate Labour’s own chronic

dependence on certain voting blocs – will never be confronted. The very

government that once resisted a national inquiry has now given us one with

terms so tightly drafted that it cannot possibly disturb the political consensus

that enabled the rape gangs. None of this will expose what really happened. It is

structured precisely so that it cannot.

While the core grooming gangs were overwhelmingly Pakistani Muslim

networks operating with political protection, the Labour Party’s complicity

went far beyond mere negligence. In multiple documented cases, both sitting

and former Labour councillors and figures were themselves perpetrators of child

sexual abuse. Either that or they directly shielded abusers within the grooming

gang ecosystem. This was not a coincidence. It was the inevitable consequence of

See Home Office, Independent Inquiry into Grooming Gangs: draft terms of reference, 31 March, 2026.

The Rt. Hon. Shabana Mahmood MP, Oral statement to Parliament: Independent Inquiry into Grooming

Gangs, 9 December, 2025.

145

a party that treated Pakistani Muslim communities as precious vote banks, even

while its own members were raping children or tipping off predators.

Direct

Perpetrators

Within

Labour

Ranks

Lord Nazir Ahmed (former Labour councillor in Rotherham and Labour peer)

was convicted in 2022 of multiple child sex offences, including rape of a

13-year-old girl. Jailed for five and a half years. Ahmed had been a Labour

councillor since 1990 and was elevated to the peerage by Blair. Survivors

described him as part of the same networks that enabled Rotherham’s grooming

gangs. A survivor publicly demanded that he be stripped of his peerage and

“truly shamed.”

The former Labour councillor Liron Velleman pleaded guilty to sex offences

against a child after approaching a 13-year-old and asking if she was a virgin.

The Labour councillor Carol Clark faced formal complaints after allegedly

warning her paedophile son of his impending arrest in a grooming-related

investigation while simultaneously voting on grooming gang matters.

The former Labour MP Ivor Caplin was arrested for grooming a 15-year-old

child in 2025.

These were not isolated bad apples. They were Labour members operating in the

very councils (Rotherham, Rochdale, Oldham, and so on) where grooming gangs

thrived under political cover.

Enablers

Positions

Power

Beyond direct offending, senior Labour figures either failed to crack down on

rape gangs or obstructed efforts to do so.

●

Shaun Wright (Labour councillor, Rotherham children’s services lead

2005–2010): Remained in post despite knowing about the scale of the

abuse. Resigned only after the Jay Report exposed his department’s

Charlie Peters, Labour councillor facing complaint over grooming gangs vote after ‘warning’ her paedophile

son of arrest, GB News, 28 March, 2025.

See Lord Ahmed: Victim calls for peer to lose title, BBC News, 3 February, 2022.

146

catastrophic failure.

●

Roger Stone (Labour council leader, Rotherham 2003–2014): Presided

over local government during the cover-up documented in the Jay Report.

●

Multiple Rotherham Labour councillors interfered in police

investigations, tipped off perpetrators, or dismissed victims as “making

lifestyle choices” to protect “community relations” and votes.

●

While Sir Keir Starmer was the Director of Public Prosecutions, it has

been reported that 13,000 suspected rape gang members and paedophiles

were let off with warning letters.

As stated earlier, the Mayor of London Sadiq Khan repeatedly insisted there

were no grooming gangs operating in the city. He described evidence from

whistleblowers as politically motivated. He told the London Assembly that child

sexual exploitation in the capital is a “far more complex” matter and does not fit

the grooming-style patterns on display across deprived northern towns. These

statements he made despite the fact that the Metropolitan Police had in its

possession reports of young girls being plied with alcohol and drugs then raped

by groups of men in hotels and other locations across London. A Daily Express

investigation revealed that Khan had direct access to HM Inspectorate of

Constabulary documents detailing the very patterns of offending he had denied.

Khan read these files yet continued to deny the existence of grooming gangs in

public.

Overall, the Labour Party did not just fail to prosecute the gangs. In some cases,

its own members were the abusers and in most cases its councillors, leaders, and

ministers put loyalty to Pakistani Muslim blocs before child safety. No other

political party has such a well-documented track record of direct involvement

with and institutional protection of industrial-scale child rape. This was in large

part due to Labour’s own electoral self-interest.

The

Conservative

Party

The Conservative Party, when holding national power from 2010 onwards, failed

to impose mandatory ethnicity recording for CSE offenders and failed to launch

See Zak Garner-Purkis & Callum Cuddeford, Keir Starmer rocked as scandal exposed – ‘paedos’ let off with

warning letters, Daily Express, 22 February, 2026.

147

a nationwide statutory inquiry despite the scale becoming public through the

Rotherham Jay Report and other local revelations.

Successive Conservative-led governments allowed the same local cover-ups to

continue unchecked in non-Labour areas and did nothing to force data

transparency or protect children outside Labour strongholds. The national

political environment under Conservative administrations permitted the gangs

to operate for another decade without systemic disruption.

A proud Islamophile, the former Conservative minister Rory Stewart is a

standout example of the malaise within the party. Stewart once stated on his

podcast with Alistair Campbell, The Rest Is Politics, that the grooming gang

phenomenon is no more than a small-scale blight, largely confined to the north

of England.

At the very least this downplays the national pattern documented

in witness statements from towns and cities across the country and reinforced

the political reluctance to confront the full scale. Sammy Woodhouse met David

Cameron as early as 2015 and told him everything she knew, up to and including

the fact that many child victims were still being criminalised.

A number of prominent figures within the Conservative Party have become

more vocal about the rape gangs phenomenon amid the issue’s rising political

salience. Even so, Conservative Prime Ministers from David Cameron to Rishi

Sunak did very little in government.

Scottish

Politics

John Lamont MP’s evidence to our Inquiry shows that the same reluctance

operated north of the English border. Successive Scottish governments – across

parties but with clear Labour influence in earlier periods – refused to

commission a dedicated national inquiry into grooming gangs, failed to

introduce specific CSE markers, and fell short of routinely recording the

ethnicity of offenders. This data gap prevented the development of any proper

national picture and enabled rape gang networks to continue unchecked in both

urban and rural Scotland.

See Fact check: The Rest Is Politics’ grooming gang claims, The Spectator, 14 January, 2025.

148

Pregnancy,

Abortion,

and

Children

Born

Rape

Gangs deliberately used pregnancy as a tool of control. Girls as young as 4 were

raped repeatedly, some until they became pregnant. Perpetrators then exploited

the pregnancy to bind the victims to them, prevent escape, and exert ongoing

coercion. Victims endured multiple pregnancies while still children themselves.

Some miscarried under the physical and emotional trauma. Others were coerced

into abortions. Those who carried to term gave birth as children and were left

without support, education, or protection. Many of these victims had themselves

been born of rape to mothers who suffered identical exploitation. The state

would often remove the babies for adoption or place them into the same failing

care system while leaving the young mothers in the environments where the

abuse continued. Intergenerational trauma became institutionalised.

Abortions were sometimes arranged by the perpetrators or their associates,

often in backstreet conditions that caused lasting physical damage. Medical

services recorded the pregnancies and injuries but discharged the girls back to

the abusers without safeguarding or long-term support. Social services and the

NHS treated the pregnancies as isolated medical events rather than evidence of

organised child rape. The state severed the maternal bond while failing to break

the cycle of abuse. Other babies remained with mothers who were themselves

still children, producing immediate harm typically involving a disrupted

education, substance addiction, mental collapse, and repeated contact with the

criminal justice system. Victims who had been born of rape to earlier victims

described the same patterns repeating across generations.

Every statutory agency encountered these pregnancies. Hospitals and sexual

health clinics recorded genital injuries, STIs, and pregnancies in 11- to

16-year-olds, but made no protective referrals. Mental health services discharged

girls after suicide attempts linked to the pregnancies without trauma care. Social

services closed cases or returned the young mothers to risk environments. Police

failed to investigate the rapes that caused the pregnancies, even when the

perpetrators were named and known. Licensing authorities allowed the taxis

that transported pregnant girls to continue operating.

The family law courts made matters worse for victims across the board, often by

149

awarding rapists parental rights over the very children begotten by their heinous

crimes. In some cases, such rapists have even been allowed to apply for a contact

order to meet their grandchildren.

150

Impact

Survivors

The rape gangs destroyed the lives of hundreds of thousands of children.

Survivors live with permanent physical and psychological damage that no

institution has ever properly addressed. They carry lifelong PTSD, complex

trauma, addiction, chronic pain, interrupted education, criminal records, lost

children, and live with permanent fear. Many attempted suicide and sadly some

succeeded. Others lost their own children to the same system that failed them.

The state did not merely fail to protect these survivors, but it compounded the

harm by criminalising them, discharging them from hospitals without support,

removing their babies, and leaving them in environments where the abuse could

continue. The evidence shows a national pattern of lifelong devastation inflicted

on children who were raped, trafficked, impregnated, and then abandoned by

every agency meant to help them.

Fiona was raped repeatedly from age 13 while in care. She became pregnant at 15

and her child was removed for adoption while she remained in the same

exploitative environment. Due to her abuse she developed psychosis at 17 and

mutilated her own legs with a blade because the gangs had complimented them

during her abuse. She now lives with profound PTSD, substance dependency,

and long-term physical health complications due to her abuse.

Michelle suffered near-daily rape from age 13, became pregnant four times as a

child, endured miscarriages and a coerced abortion, and gave birth while still a

teenager. She describes her childhood and future as destroyed and she lives with

PTSD that affects every day of her life.

Chloe was raped repeatedly from age 11, contracted multiple STIs as a

13-year-old, starved to five stone, drugged with heroin, imprisoned in her own

home, and publicly humiliated. She now carries severe gynaecological damage

and lifelong trauma.

Leanne was abused from infancy, trafficked, subjected to extreme violence

including penetration by objects, strangulation, and backstreet abortions. She

151

lives with profound physical injuries and a total lack of trust in every

institution.

Grace was groomed from early adolescence, raped while intoxicated, entered

violent domestic relationships, and watched her own children abused. She

suffers severe mental illness, displacement, and ongoing stalking.

Kate endured a decade of trafficking, filmed blackmail, “red rooms” of torture,

animal rape, and witnessed murders of other girls. She received an NRM

conclusive grounds, but despite this has received very little support and lives

with trauma that she has to manage daily.

Anna’s recorded assault at 13 led to ostracism, an interrupted education, and

lasting mental health damage.

Jen was forcibly converted, married, and controlled under religious coercion and

she now has complex PTSD and lives in fear for her daughter.

Leanne was held captive, beaten, and raped while pregnant at 15. She miscarried

and now suffers chronic fibromyalgia and psychological trauma.

Taylor was gang-raped across multiple towns and she carries lifelong

psychological harm.

Jane was trafficked from a care placement, developed a severe eating disorder,

was sectioned, and left with lasting physical and psychiatric damage.

Rachel’s daughter, aged 12, was raped, bullied, and abandoned by police and

school. She took her own life.

Every survivor describes the same long-term consequences: destroyed education

and employment prospects, broken relationships, inability to trust adults or

institutions, chronic physical pain, addiction, repeated suicide attempts, loss of

children, and a permanent sense of shame and worthlessness implanted by the

gangs and reinforced by the state.

152

The human cost is not abstract, but measured in ruined lives, lost futures, and

children born into the same hell their mothers endured.

153

Conclusions

The evidence from high-profile convictions and compiled data on group-based

child sexual exploitation indicates a clear overrepresentation of Pakistani

Muslim men as members of the rape gangs.

However, when examining the religious dimension, often inferred from

published names in court records and reliable reporting, the proportion of

Muslim perpetrators appears even higher than the ethnic Pakistani figure alone

would suggest. Analyses of conviction lists (such as those compiled by

researchers reviewing cases from the late 1990s onwards) have found that

approximately 90% of those convicted in relevant grooming gang cases bore

distinctively Muslim names – a stark contrast to the roughly 6% Muslim

proportion of the overall population.

This pattern arises because nearly all documented Pakistani perpetrators in

these cases have Muslim names and additional convictions have involved Muslim

men from other backgrounds (e.g., Somali, Iranian, Syrian, Turkish, and mixed

groups with predominantly Islamic names). Non-Muslim participants remain

exceptions, often isolated incidents in smaller or mixed groups.

These recurring observations, drawn from judicial outcomes, inquiries, and

other public records, establish a basis for advocating improved official data

collection on the religion of perpetrators in group-based child sexual

exploitation cases. Current national data frequently lack robust recording of

ethnicity and religion is even less systematically captured, limiting

evidence-based analysis and responses.

Enhanced, mandatory recording of both ethnicity and religion (alongside other

characteristics) for suspects and convicted offenders in these offences would

enable clearer identification of patterns, better informed prevention strategies,

and more proportionate policy interventions, while addressing longstanding

criticisms of data inadequacies highlighted in government reviews and reports.

154

The evidence heard by this Inquiry is unequivocal, overwhelming, and

devastating in its clarity. Organised networks of Muslim men systematically

raped, trafficked, drugged, impregnated, and destroyed the lives of thousands

upon thousands of British children across every region of the United Kingdom

for decades. When the documented patterns from Rotherham, Telford,

Rochdale, Oxford, Newcastle, Oldham, Huddersfield, Peterborough, Burnley,

Tameside, and dozens of other towns and cities are extrapolated nationally, the

scale reaches at least 250,000 victims. This is not a collection of isolated local

scandals.

It is a national scandal of industrial-scale child rape and modern-day slavery

enabled, protected, and prolonged by the deliberate failures of the British state

at every single level.

The testimony of the survivors and their families leaves no room for denial or

equivocation. Sally watched her daughter’s life unravel. Although her daughter

has admitted to lying on occasion, the police privately acknowledged grooming

yet in public communications treated her only as a liar. Marlon had his parental

authority stripped away so that his daughter could be returned to the very place

where she had been raped. Whitney’s reports of exploitation were dismissed

while her own childhood trauma was used to undermine her credibility as a

mother. Rachel saw her 12-year-old autistic daughter discouraged from pursuing

justice, bullied relentlessly, and ultimately driven to her death by an overdose

after the authorities failed her at every turn. Fiona, Michelle, Chloe, Marie,

Grace, Kate, Anna, Jen, Leanne, Taylor, Jane, Lilly, and so many others described

the same relentless pattern: repeated rape, gang rape, blackmail with filmed

abuse, pregnancies used as weapons of control, miscarriages, coerced abortions,

and the birth of children who entered the world already condemned to the same

cycle.

These were not all “vulnerable” children in the narrow sense the authorities

preferred to believe. Some came from stable homes, middle-class families, and

loving parents. The perpetrators targeted them precisely because they were

unguarded by the collective male protection that some minority communities

could mobilise. The gangs operated under an honour- and shame-based clan

155

code that treated non-Muslims, especially white working-class girls, as property

available for sexual use. They transported victims between towns, shared them

among brothers and friends, forced conversions to Islam followed by

unregistered religious marriages, and justified the abuse by describing the girls

as “easy meat,” “white trash” or morally inferior. The same networks targeted

Sikh girls until Sikh communities responded with collective male protection.

White girls received no such defence.

Every institution that existed to protect children instead enabled the gangs.

Police forces across England and Scotland discouraged reporting, criminalised

victims, destroyed evidence, allowed known rapists to walk free on bail, and in

some cases actively participated in or shielded the networks. Social care

removed parental authority, placed children in trafficking hubs inside children’s

homes and semi-independent units, closed cases despite clear evidence of

exploitation, destroyed records, and retaliated against whistleblowers. The NHS

recorded genital injuries, multiple STIs in 13-year-olds, pregnancies caused by

rape, and suicide attempts yet discharged the children back to their abusers the

same night with no safeguarding or trauma care. Schools watched older men

collect girls at the gates, heard disclosures of rape in toilets, and excluded the

victims rather than protecting them. Taxi licensing authorities renewed permits

for the very drivers who formed the logistical backbone of the trafficking

networks and collapsed in the face of organised protests when basic safety

measures were proposed.

The media self-censored the ethnic and religious pattern for fear of being

labelled racist. Social media platforms became the primary tools for initial

grooming, distribution of rape videos, and coordination between perpetrators.

Politics, especially the Labour Party, bears the heaviest responsibility.

Councillors and MPs sat on the very authorities that covered up the abuse. They

were briefed as early as 2003 through the CROP multi-agency group yet later

denied knowledge. When finally forced to act, the Labour government produced

a national inquiry whose terms of reference are so tightly drawn – limited to

“group-based child sexual exploitation” in a handful of “relevant local areas,”

time limited, and deliberately excluding any systematic examination of the

demographic, cultural, and religious drivers – that it cannot possibly confront

156

the truths that this Inquiry has heard. Labour did not merely fail to protect

children, it actively obstructed justice, suppressed ethnicity data, voted against a

proper national inquiry, and sacrificed tens of thousands of white working-class

girls on the altar of multiculturalism and electoral arithmetic.

The Conservative Party, while in national government from 2010 onwards, also

failed. It did not impose mandatory ethnicity recording. Nor did it launch a

nationwide statutory inquiry despite the Rotherham Jay Report and other

revelations. Rory Stewart, a former Conservative minister, publicly described

the issue as a small problem confined to the north of England. He downplayed

the national reality and thus showed the attitude of, at the very least, a section

of the party. Scottish politics mirrored the same reluctance, refusing a dedicated

inquiry and failing to record offender ethnicity.

The human cost is incalculable and permanent. Survivors carry lifelong PTSD,

complex trauma, addiction, chronic physical pain, interrupted education,

criminal records, lost children, and unrelenting fear. Many have attempted

suicide repeatedly and some succeeded. Others lost their own children to the

same failing system that failed them. The gangs used pregnancy as a deliberate

weapon of control and the state compounded the harm by removing babies for

adoption or placing them in care while abandoning the young mothers in the

environments where the abuse continued. Intergenerational trauma has been

institutionalised. The state recorded the injuries, the STIs, the pregnancies, and

the disclosures yet chose votes, so-called “community relations,” and fear of

racism accusations over the protection of British children.

Whistleblowers who tried to expose the truth such as ‘a social worker,’ Caven

Vines, Tommy Robinson, and countless protective parents were suspended,

bankrupted, subjected to dawn raids, asset freezing, and gagging orders. The rule

of law failed and racial and religious aggravation was almost never applied to the

few that were convicted, foreign national offenders were rarely deported, and

sentences bore no relation to the lifetime of destruction inflicted.

This Inquiry has heard the testimony. It has seen the documents. It has recorded

the names of officers, social workers, councillors, ministers, and institutions that

157

failed. The evidence is now overwhelming and irrefutable. The rape gangs did

not operate in the shadows, but with the active or passive consent of the British

state. The betrayal was total.

158

Recommendations

The evidence presented to this Inquiry by victims and whistleblowers

demonstrates beyond reasonable doubt that the rape gangs operated with either

the active or passive consent of public authorities. More or less every institution

failed. The state knew the patterns, recorded and then often destroyed the

evidence of harm, and chose political convenience over child protection.

Any government that aspires to restore justice, eliminate the gangs, and protect

the next generation must implement the following recommendations. Only then

can the British state begin to make up for its profound betrayal of hundreds of

thousands of British children.

Criminal

Justice

Response

Victims must be placed at the centre of the criminal justice process. They must

have the right to be informed of all decisions, to attend sentencing hearings, and

to submit victim personal statements that carry statutory weight. Independent

Sexual Violence Advisers must be funded nationally and assigned to every

grooming gang victim from the moment of first report.

Sentences

Current sentencing guidelines are grotesquely inadequate for organised child

rape. The Sentencing Council must be required by statute to revise its guidelines

so that group-based child sexual exploitation carries a starting point of life

imprisonment, with a minimum tariff of 50 years for ringleaders and 25 years for

participants. Racial or religious motivation, multiple victims, trafficking across

counties, pregnancy caused by rape, and use of filming or blackmail must each

be spelled out as statutory aggravating factors that push sentences toward their

maximum extent. Concurrent sentencing must be prohibited where multiple

victims are involved; cumulative sentencing must be the default. A number of

politicians, including Rupert Lowe MP, have also called for a referendum on

reintroducing the death penalty for the most heinous crimes. There is a case to

be made that this is more than proportionate where rape gangs are concerned.

159

IMMIGRATION,

Deportations,

and

denaturalisations

Every foreign national convicted of group-based CSE must at the very least be

deported.

Any British citizen convicted of these offences who holds dual nationality must

lose their citizenship automatically upon conviction, rendering them liable for

deportation. This ought to apply retrospectively to those convicted in the past,

too. The Home Office must publish annual deportation figures, broken down by

national background and offence type.

Where a perpetrator has family members in Britain who have supported,

harboured or failed to report the offending, the entire immediate family unit

must also face deportation proceedings themselves, unless they can prove either

active cooperation with authorities or no prior knowledge.

The evidence from witnesses, convictions, and the Casey Audit shows a clear

overrepresentation of Muslim men, particularly of Pakistani heritage, in these

organised networks. The Inquiry has not ignored this. Mosques, madrassas, and

community organisations that have harboured or failed to report perpetrators

must face investigation and, if found guilty, be closed. The immediate

deportation of anyone nested within such sub-cultures promoting attitudes that

dehumanise non-Muslim girls must be pursued.

The nations of the world are not identical. Ultra-selective border control,

attentive to general patterns in sending countries, is therefore also vital to the

long-run happiness and continued existence of host peoples across the West.

Immigration policy must immediately reflect the evidence. Anyone from a

country whose nationals are disproportionately represented in rape gang

convictions must no longer be entitled to a visa. This should be applied

ruthlessly. Our young girls must come first.

Children

Giving

Evidence

Special measures for child witnesses in grooming -gang trials must be

strengthened. Pre-recorded evidence, remote testimony, and screens must be the

160

default. Cross-examination that re-traumatises the child must be prohibited.

The court must appoint a specialist intermediary in every case.

THE

CROWN

PROSECUTION

SERVICE

The CPS must create a dedicated national unit for group-based child sexual

exploitation, with specialist prosecutors trained in trauma- informed practice.

Charging decisions must no longer be influenced by “community impact” or fear

of racism allegations. Failure to charge a clear case must be reviewable by the

Attorney General and should result in criminal liability for those who do not

carry out their duty.

Overseas

taskforce

It has been established that organised gangs, chiefly of Pakistani heritage, have

not only groomed, raped, and tortured thousands of women and girls across

Britain, but have also trafficked such victims overseas, particularly to Pakistan

and other countries. Evidence from independent hearings, Early Day Motions in

Parliament, and of course survivor testimonies presented to this Inquiry serve to

suggest as much. The intent by perpetrators was to exert near-total control,

prevent disclosure of the abuse, obstruct homegrown investigations, and

continue inflicting abuse in environments with weaker safeguards. The full

extent remains under-investigated due to historical institutional failures by

police, councils, and social services, often linked to concerns over ‘racism’

allegations or inadequate cross-border cooperation.

This must be rectified. It is therefore recommended that a dedicated taskforce be

established within the Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO),

working in close liaison with the Home Office, police forces, the National

Crime Agency, and international partners. This unit should prioritise the

identification, location, safeguarding, and urgent repatriation of affected British

women and girls. That means enhanced consular support, intelligence-sharing

on missing persons cases recorded in known grooming hotspots, targeted

reviews of passports and travel records linked to known perpetrators, and

diplomatic pressure on destination countries for victim extraction and evidence

gathering.

161

Compensation

A national compensation scheme for grooming gang victims must be set up at

once. Something similar already exists in the form of the Criminal Injuries

Compensation Authority (CICA), established in theory to seek compensation

on behalf of “people physically or mentally injured because of a violent crime in

England, Scotland or Wales.”

The CICA does so by suing authorities or

perpetrators directly, but has proven time and again to be unfit for purpose in

all sorts of ways. Despite providing evidence that helped to convict the leader of

a Rotherham-based rape gang, Sammy Woodhouse was refused compensation by

CICA on the grounds that she had ‘consented’ to her own abuse.

In our view, awards should be updated to reflect the lifelong harm documented

in survivor testimony, including loss of education, employment, mental health,

physical health, and family life. The scheme must be funded by a levy on all

convicted perpetrators’ assets and by the defined benefit pensions enjoyed by

any public servants – either within police forces or social services – found guilty

of or dismissed for culpable negligence.

Family

The law must place the protective family at the centre of safeguarding.

As such, the core principle that should underpin safeguarding reform is

recognition that a child’s family tends to represent the first, strongest, and most

effective line of defence against exploitation. While there are circumstances in

which children cannot safely remain within their family unit, exploitation cases

generally differ from traditional intra-familial abuse models.

Present safeguarding systems do not always reflect this distinction. Families may

experience responses that frame them primarily as contributors to risk rather

than as potential safeguards against it. This can result in reduced trust between

Josh Halliday, Compensation body told Rotherham abuse victim she ‘consented’, The Guardian, 11 September,

2017.

See Criminal Injuries Compensation Authority.

162

families and professionals, parental disengagement from safeguarding processes,

delayed information-sharing, increased isolation of the child from protective

relationships, and perpetrators exploiting divisions between children, families,

and agencies.

Official research increasingly reinforces relational approaches to CSE,

recognising that protective networks – including parents, siblings, extended

family, schools, peers, and community relationships – are central to reducing

vulnerability and disrupting exploitation.

Once removed from family and

community networks, children as a general matter become more vulnerable to

grooming, missing episodes, trafficking, and other forms of harm. A ‘family first’

approach is therefore essential. We recommend the construction of a

safeguarding framework in which families are recognised as primary protective

factors wherever safe, family support is prioritised, contextual safeguarding

approaches are strengthened, and residential care is used proportionately and as

a last resort rather than as a default response to exploitation risk. This proceeds

from the understanding, bolstered by our Inquiry, that where rape gangs are

concerned, parents and carers are more often protective than causative agents.

Needless to say, this ‘family first’ approach should never prevent decisive

intervention in cases where home environments are deemed unsafe. The point is

that safeguarding authorities must first establish the unfitness of some family

environment before residential placement becomes the response. Parents ought

also to have a statutory right to be informed of all risks to their child, to receive

copies of all assessments and plans, and to challenge any decision that

undermines or removes their parental responsibility. Financial and practical

assistance, including emergency housing relocation where needed, must be made

available to any parent reporting grooming indicators.

The state should not interfere with a family’s ability to protect itself from harm.

See Josh MacAlister, The independent review of children’s social care | Final report, May 2022.

163

Legislative

Response

The existing legislative framework is fragmented, inconsistently applied, and

deliberately blind to the ethnic and religious patterns documented in this

Inquiry and the Casey National Audit. As we have noted above, the Sexual

Offences Act 2003 and the Modern Slavery Act 2015 – among other relevant

statutes – already contain powers that were never used to any significant effect

against the rape gangs. Ethnicity recording, too, remains either patchy or absent.

Group-based child sexual exploitation is not even a distinct offence with its own

sentencing guidelines. The result is a system that records thousands of individual

offences while concealing, deliberately or otherwise, the organised nature of the

predation.

A single, comprehensive Childhood Sexual Exploitation Act must be enacted at

once.

This new statute should create a specific offence of “organised group-based child

sexual exploitation” – understood as participation in networks that groom,

traffic, or exploit children for sexual purposes, whether or not each individual

act can be separately proven – with mandatory minimum sentences and

aggravating factors for racial or religious motivation.

It must reverse the presumption that a child can ever consent to sexual activity

with an adult, especially in a grooming context. Courts to date have recognised

that apparent acquiescence may be the product of coercion or psychological

manipulation, but the statutory formulation has not fully reflected this aspect of

CSE.

It must also impose a statutory duty on every relevant public authority to record

and publish the ethnicity, immigration status, nationality, and religion of both

victims and perpetrators in all such cases. This would entail speedy repeal of any

legislation that forbids authorities from collecting relevant ethnicity and

religious data.

164

Last of all, it must criminalise, as we shall elaborate below, any provably

culpable failure or refusal on the part of public officials to act on rape gangs for

fear of inflaming ‘community tensions’ or inviting ‘anti-racist’ media scrutiny.

This would build upon existing principles concerning misconduct in public

office but provide clearer and more enforceable standards.

Parliament should mandate enhanced sentencing for offences committed as part

of organised networks, including minimum custodial terms and expanded use of

whole life orders in extreme cases. The gravity of such offending – often

involving prolonged abuse, trafficking, and commercial exploitation – justifies

the harshest possible sentences.

A broader constitutional question arises concerning the interaction between

human rights law and the prosecution of organised sexual exploitation. It is

frequently argued that existing rights frameworks have been interpreted in ways

that inhibit robust enforcement or contribute to institutional caution. A

comprehensive review of the Human Rights Act 1998 should therefore be

undertaken with a view to recalibrating the balance between individual rights

and the protection of vulnerable victims. Reforms should focus on ensuring that

rights-based arguments cannot be deployed to obstruct investigations,

prosecutions or deportation proceedings involving serious sexual offending.

Indeed, it is probably preferable to repeal the Human Rights Act 1998 than to

allow it to continue in its current form.

The Equality Act 2010, if not repealed altogether, should never be applied to

criminal justice and safeguarding contexts. Anti-discrimination principles must

not operate as a deterrent to the identification of risk patterns or the

enforcement of criminal law. Short of full repeal, at the very least legislative

amendment should clarify that equality protections can neither be invoked to

shield criminal conduct nor to restrict lawful investigative practices based on

evidence-led risk assessment.

Preventative mechanisms must be significantly expanded to address the evolving

nature of child sexual exploitation and organised grooming networks. At

present, the criminal justice system remains heavily reactive, intervening most

165

decisively only after serious offences have already occurred and victims have

suffered lasting harm. While prosecution and punishment remain essential,

greater emphasis must be placed on early intervention, disruption, and risk

management in order to prevent abuse before it escalates.

One vital reform would be to ensure the wider and more proactive use of Sexual

Risk Orders (SROs) and related civil preventative orders. In principle, these

powers allow authorities to impose restrictions on individuals who demonstrate

concerning behaviour characteristic of sexual abusers, even where a criminal

conviction has not yet been secured. Greater readiness to deploy them would give

police officers and safeguarding agencies more confidence to intervene sooner

rather than later, whether by restricting contact with vulnerable children,

monitoring online activity, limiting access to certain locations, or preventing

association with suspected grooming networks. Such measures would help close

the gap between suspicion and prosecution, where many offenders currently

continue operating unchecked.

For similar reasons, compulsory monitoring arrangements for high-risk offenders

should be strengthened. Individuals with histories of sexual violence, exploitation,

trafficking, or organised abuse should be subject to more rigorous supervision

through electronic monitoring, regular risk assessments, mandatory disclosure

requirements, and closer multi-agency oversight. Given the increasingly digital

nature of grooming, monitoring should also include online behaviour and

communications where legally proportionate. Enhanced supervision would not

only reduce opportunities for reoffending but also improve intelligence gathering

on wider criminal networks.

Mandatory reporting duties for institutions represent another crucial preventative

safeguard. Schools, social services, healthcare providers, care homes, charities, and

other organisations working with children should be placed under a clear legal

obligation to report suspected abuse, exploitation, or grooming activity to the

appropriate authorities. Too often, institutional failures, fear of reputational

damage, or uncertainty about procedures have allowed warning signs to be

ignored. A statutory duty would create greater accountability, encourage earlier

referrals, and strengthen inter-agency cooperation. Failure to report serious

concerns, particularly by professionals in positions of trust, should carry

meaningful disciplinary and potentially criminal consequences.

166

Expanding preventative powers must, however, remain consistent with principles

of proportionality, due process, and basic freedoms. Safeguards including judicial

oversight, regular review mechanisms, and clear evidential thresholds are necessary

to ensure that expanded powers are not used arbitrarily. Nevertheless, where the

protection of vulnerable children is at stake, the balance of public policy should

favour earlier intervention rather than waiting for irreparable harm to occur.

Finally, the overarching legislative objective should be to recognise organised

sexual exploitation as a form of structural criminality. This requires a shift in

both legal doctrine and institutional culture. The law must move from reactive

punishment to proactive eradication of networks that exploit vulnerable

children. Without such a shift, existing statutes – however numerous or severe in

theory – will continue to operate as instruments of retrospective justice rather

than effective protection.

The following principles must be enshrined in the aforementioned Childhood

Sexual Exploitation Act:

●

Children can never consent. The Act must prohibit any agency or court

from treating a child’s previous behaviour, clothing, intoxication or

“lifestyle choices” as mitigation or consent. Any professional who uses

such language in reports or proceedings must face disciplinary action and

potential criminal sanction.

●

Accountability encourages competence. The Act must contain greater

clarity in law detailing the positive expectations to which public-facing

bodies with a statutory “duty of care” must be held accountable. Among

frontline professionals, it is of course everybody’s duty to safeguard

children. The clarification should be such as to require the relevant

duty-holder – be it an individual, an organisation, or some other entity –

to take proactive, affirmative steps to save children from group-based

exploitation. Breach of this duty, whether by provable incompetence or

deliberate malpractice, must be an offence. Repeated failure to act on

known safeguarding indicators has been one of the defining

characteristics of the rape gang scourge across Britain. Public bodies must

therefore face clear legal accountability where serious neglect occurs.

●

Crimes committed by child victims of grooming at the behest of their

167

abusers lack the mens rea (“guilty mind”) to count as criminal in the

conventional sense. The Act must expunge the criminal records of any

child or young person convicted of crimes (including prostitution, drug

possession, or public order offences) that occurred while and because they

were forced to do so. The presumption must be that such convictions

were the direct result either of manipulation or coercion. Named

Sammy’s Law after Sammy Woodhouse, this would be for the benefit of

survivors in need of closure who were criminalised instead of protected.

●

Proven rapists forfeit their parental rights. The Act should make it

unambiguous that rapists, upon conviction, automatically lose their

parental rights over any children born of such rape.

●

Sharia Marriage. The Act must prohibit sharia marriages. Too often, these

have served as a pretext for abusers to exercise greater coercive control

over their victims. This is because Sharia courts effectively operate as a

parallel judicial system, recognised in British law but not of British law.

This enables them to govern the life of Muslim communities – and by

extension the life of any victims groomed by such communities – in ways

counter to our long-established norms and customs.

168

All

Frontline

Response

Every frontline professional – police officers, social workers, teachers, GPs,

nurses, taxi licensing officers, school staff, and youth workers – must receive

mandatory annual training on group-based child sexual exploitation. This

training must convey the documented ethnic and religious patterns, the tactics

used by the gangs, the signs of grooming, and the legal duty to act. Failure to act

on clear indicators must carry professional risk and, in serious cases, criminal

consequences. A national public awareness campaign must be launched so that

parents, neighbours, and communities know exactly what to look for and whom

to contact. The default response of every agency must shift from disbelief and

victim-blaming to immediate protection and investigation.

While policy change is required to hold statutory services to account, the delivery

of these practices must be carefully monitored. Improved training is key. Many

initiatives emphasise the need for multi-agency working, but delivery more than

emphasis is essential to effective safeguarding in practice. Previous reviews have

documented gaps in multi-agency processes, many of them noticed as a result of

failures of child safeguarding. A crucial point to consider is that each service has

its own guidelines, practices, and processes, all of which contribute to gaps in

communication, referrals, and the like. It is important that statutory services form

trusting relationships with one another, as well as with other partners. This means

engaging in open conversations, demonstrating professional curiosity, and erring

on the side of oversharing information to safeguard children.

In 2022, the British Journal of General Practice published an article on the work of

Sharon Dixon, Bryony Kendall, Jenny Driscoll and Catherine Pope. “Relationship

building is at the heart of multi-agency working,” it read, “and sharing stories and

findings can be part of this. When research is primarily conducted and shared

within single-agency professional meetings and publications, opportunities to do

this may be missed.

”61

This buttresses the findings from this Inquiry: cross-agency

training is vital to facilitating multi-agency working. We therefore recommend

that cross-agency child safeguarding training be made mandatory for all statutory

Sharon Dixon, Bryony Kendall, Jenny Driscoll & Catherine Pope, Supporting the ‘multi’ in multi-agency

working: learning with and from each other could enable multi-agency safeguarding, British Journal of General

Practice, September 2022, p. 439.

169

services. The Inquiry further recommends that agencies work together to agree

joint working practices and policies to prevent confidentiality acting as a barrier

to sharing pivotal information in circumstances that may not only serve to protect

children, but prove life-saving.

Safeguarding posters outlining signs of child grooming and exploitation should

be displayed in public areas in all health clinics, including GP surgeries, sexual

health clinics, A&E departments, inpatient areas, and mental health clinics and

any other area accessed by those attending health care facilities. This should be

extended to schools and youth centres.

Policing must be reformed from the ground up. Every force must be required to

record the ethnicity, immigration status, nationality and religion of both victims

and perpetrators in all CSE cases. A national marker for group-based child

sexual exploitation must be mandatory. Specialist CSE units must be established

in every force, with dedicated resources for proactive disruption. Ethnoreligious

lobbying against proper law enforcement must be resisted on principle.

Policing

The current framework within which law enforcement approaches CSE is

untrue to the real-world nuances of the problem. In order to perform better, the

police must deepen their cooperation with existing multi-agency CSE panels,

designed to identify and safeguard children at risk of exploitation.

At present, these efforts take place largely at the local level, without sufficient

coordination. Multi-agency CSE panels also lack either a statutory footing or a

nationally mandated operational framework. As a result, performance varies

from place to place. Evidence from serious case reviews and major inquiries –

including those arising from investigations into the Rotherham and Rochdale

gangs – indicates that the lack of a consistent playbook, set down nationwide,

contributed to safeguarding failures and undermined local responses.

We therefore call for the immediate introduction of multi-agency coordination

on CSE and a uniform operational framework. Such reforms would improve

consistency and maximise accountability. Where effective, multi-agency CSE

170

panels tend to demonstrate well-defined referral thresholds and pathways,

regular strategic meetings between police departments and children’s services,

and clear lines of accountability. Norfolk is often praised for its track record on

these very fronts. There exists a dedicated multi-agency exploitation team,

embedded alongside policing. The proven model of such success stories must

serve as the foundation of any future reforms.

Police should also be trained to interview rape gang suspects in relation to their

religious beliefs and investigate the witness evidence of victims in relation to the

religious elements of their abuse. The fear of offending cultural sensitivities

should be removed completely from the culture that permeates modern policing.

Healthcare

The NHS must be specified in law to owe a duty of care to survivors of rape

gangs. Every sexual health clinic, GP surgery, A&E department, and mental

health service must trigger an automatic safeguarding referral for any child

presenting with STIs, genital injuries, pregnancies or repeated self-harm linked

to exploitation. Discharge of a child back to a known risk environment without

a multi-agency protection plan must be prohibited. Trauma-informed care must

be commissioned nationally for all rape gang survivors. Backstreet abortions and

pregnancies caused by rape must be treated as crimes, not private medical

matters.

In March 2026, the government published an updated version of Working

Together to Safeguard Children – a statutory guidance manual on multi-agency

working to help, support, and protect children. The guidance provides a

summary of changes within this updated version, as well as an appendix glossary

on group-based child sexual exploitation.

This glossary defines group-based child sexual exploitation as

“two or more individuals (whether identiﬁed or not) who are known to (or associated with)

one another and are known to be involved in or to facilitate the sexual exploitation of

children. Being involved in the sexual exploitation of children includes e.g. introducing them

to other individuals for the purpose of exploitation, traﬃcking a child for the purpose of

171

sexual exploitation, taking payment for sexual activities with a child or allowing their

property to be used for sexual activities with a child, etc. This can be perpetrated within or

beyond the family, by both children and adults, and groups can be organised or loosely

linked.”

Trauma-informed care must also be commissioned nationally for survivors of

organised sexual exploitation. Survivors frequently experience long-term

psychological trauma, addiction, self-harm, homelessness, PTSD, depression,

and difficulties engaging with healthcare services. Yet support provision remains

inconsistent. An overwhelming number of the participants with whom we

engaged during the Inquiry have reported struggles accessing the appropriate

psychological support to process their trauma and facilitate recovery.

Survivors need more specifically focused attention than is customary with

cognitive behavioural therapy. This report recommends that Compassion

Focused Therapy (CFT) should also form a central component of therapeutic

provision for survivors. Survivors commonly present with profound shame,

self-blame, dissociation, emotional dysregulation, complex trauma symptoms,

substance dependency, depression, self-harm, and difficulties forming safe

interpersonal relationships. These psychological patterns are not incidental; they

are frequently the direct consequence of prolonged coercion, humiliation,

degradation, violence, and institutional abandonment.

CFT specifically targets these psychological patterns. Grooming processes

deliberately condition victims to internalise guilt, complicity, worthlessness, and

emotional dependency upon perpetrators. Many survivors consequently describe

themselves not primarily as victims of violence, but as ‘dirty,’ ‘weak,’ ‘complicit,’

or ‘beyond help.’ These shame-based feelings persist even after physical safety

has been secured. CFT directly seeks to strengthen this soothing system through

compassionate imagery, emotional regulation training, attachment repair, and

reduction of self-attacking cognition. Emerging evidence suggests that

compassion-based interventions are effective in reducing PTSD symptoms,

shame, depression, and self-criticism among trauma survivors.

Importantly, many survivors of organised exploitation distrust authority figures

See UK Government, Working Together to Safeguard Children, March 2026, p. 164.

172

and struggle with conventional clinical relationships due to repeated betrayal.

CFT offers a non-punitive and non-pathologising framework that validates

survival responses rather than framing victims as dysfunctional or resistant. This

is particularly important for survivors previously criminalised, disbelieved, or

blamed by professionals.

In view of these facts, CFT should be commissioned nationally within specialist

survivor services, NHS trauma pathways should include CFT as a recommended

intervention for survivors of organised sexual exploitation, clinicians working

with grooming gang survivors should receive specialist training in

shame-informed and compassion-based approaches, long-term therapy provision

should be prioritised over short-duration crisis interventions, and survivor

services should incorporate peer-based compassionate recovery models alongside

formal psychotherapy. Support should also be made available to family

members, especially to children and to the partners of victims of gang-based

abuse.

As for physical health, pregnancies in children under 16, abortions following

suspected rape, concealed pregnancies, forced terminations, and suspected

backstreet abortions should be treated as safeguarding and potentially criminal

matters rather than solely private medical episodes. The child must always be

regarded as a victim in need of protection.

As we have seen, the physical after-effects of exploitation did not end when the

abuse itself ended. In many cases, as we have seen, the trauma carried over into

the lives of children born through rape. The continued institutional invisibility

of these children reflects a broader reluctance to confront the wider human

consequences of organised sexual exploitation. As such, these children should be

formally recognised within safeguarding legislation as a vulnerable category

requiring specialist support. We further recommend the creation of a national

research programme examining the long-term social, psychological,

developmental, and safeguarding outcomes of children born through organised

sexual violence. The near-total absence of British research in this field represents

a major institutional blind spot.

173

Mandatory training should also be introduced for all frontline NHS staff on

how to identify and how to engage with the various grooming dynamics:

coercive control, dissociation, trauma presentation, gang-associated abuse,

‘boyfriend model’ exploitation, and honour-based abuse. Multiple inquiries have

identified a recurring pattern in which professionals failed to intervene because

victims were perceived as ‘troubled,’ ‘consenting,’ or ‘making lifestyle choices.’

Last of all, we recommend the establishment of specialist NHS Child Sexual

Exploitation Units in areas with documented histories of organised abuse. These

should combine forensic medicine, safeguarding expertise, mental health

services, survivor advocacy, and long-term trauma support. Their purpose would

be not only treatment but also early identification of organised exploitation

patterns. Every survivor should be guaranteed long-term access to specialist

counselling, psychiatric treatment, sexual health care, reproductive healthcare,

addiction support, legal advocacy, and housing assistance regardless of whether

criminal proceedings are ongoing.

Private

Prosecutions/Civil

Litigation

The law provides comprehensive and powerful mechanisms for victims, their

families, and other concerned parties to pursue accountability for the

widespread grooming, rape, and trafficking offences committed by organised

gangs across the United Kingdom. These mechanisms operate through two

principal routes: (1) civil actions seeking compensation, together with other

remedies, for harm suffered and (2) private prosecutions where public

authorities have failed or refused to act. Both avenues draw directly upon the

extensive range of offences and institutional failures documented in cases such

as R v. Karrar (2013), and they can be deployed strategically to secure justice,

expose systemic shortcomings, and deter future offending without sole reliance

on reluctant state prosecutors or local councils.

Civil actions against the perpetrators themselves begin with the core torts of

assault and battery. These claims arise whenever non-consensual sexual contact,

Central Criminal Court, Case of R v. AKHTAR DOGAR, ANJUM DOGAR, KAMAR JAMIL,

MOHAMMED KARRAR, BASSAM KARRAR, SENTENCING REMARKS OF HIS HONOUR JUDGE

PETER ROOK QC, 27 June, 2013.

174

physical violence or coercive acts occur, as repeatedly evidenced in the grooming

and exploitation patterns that involved extreme brutality, sustained assaults,

and the use of drugs to facilitate offending. Victims can recover damages for

physical injuries, pain and suffering, loss of earnings, and medical expenses, with

courts empowered to award aggravated or exemplary damages where the

conduct is shown to have been sadistic or humiliating. False imprisonment

forms a further head of claim in every case involving trafficking or confinement,

where perpetrators can be shown to have restricted the liberty of victims

through threats, abduction, or control within the United Kingdom for sexual

exploitation. This tort directly mirrors the trafficking offences under sections 57

to 59A of the Sexual Offences Act 2003 and the Modern Slavery Act 2015,

allowing victims to seek substantial compensation for the deprivation of

freedom and the psychological trauma that accompanies it.

A separate but highly relevant civil claim is available under the rule in Wilkinson

v. Downton (1897) for the intentional infliction of emotional distress. This tort

captures the grooming process itself, the supply of controlled substances to

lower resistance, the repeated humiliation, and the long-term mental harm

inflicted on child victims. Courts have recognised that such deliberate conduct,

often accompanied by threats to families, meets the threshold of outrageous

behaviour calculated to cause psychiatric injury, thereby opening the door to

compensation even where physical injury is absent. In addition to these private

law remedies, every eligible victim retains the statutory right to apply for

payments from the Criminal Injuries Compensation Scheme 2012. The scheme

explicitly covers violent sexual offences, including rape of a child under 13,

assault by penetration and sexual exploitation, and it operates independently of

any criminal conviction, providing a safety net of state-funded awards that can

reach tens of thousands of pounds depending on the severity of harm.

Civil liability extends equally to public authorities whose failures have enabled

heinous criminal offences. Negligence claims against police forces, local councils,

social services departments, and NHS bodies succeed where a duty of care is

established and breached through the systematic ignoring of reports, the failure

to investigate warnings, or the prioritisation of so-called “community relations”

over child protection. Rotherham Metropolitan Borough Council, for example,

175

has already paid millions of pounds in settlements precisely because its

institutional culture prevented effective safeguarding. Misfeasance in public

office supplies an additional and potent tort where claimants can prove that

officials acted with bad faith or malice, such as deliberately shelving

investigations out of fear of being labelled racist. This tort requires evidence of

targeted harm but carries the potential for exemplary damages and personal

liability against individual officers or councillors.

Claims under the Human Rights Act 1998 have proved especially effective in

this context. Article 3 of the ECHR imposes a positive obligation on the state to

protect individuals from inhuman or degrading treatment and to investigate

grave crimes such as rape with efficiency and promptness. The landmark

Supreme Court decision in DSD v. Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis (2018)

confirmed that systemic investigative failures breach this article, giving rise to

damages for victims who were let down by repeated inaction.

More recent

authority in Chief Constable of Northamptonshire v. Woodcock (2025) reinforces that

police forces may be held liable in damages where they fail to protect individuals

from foreseeable third-party harm, encompassing breaches of both Article 3 and

Article 8 rights to respect for private and family life.

These human rights

claims can run alongside negligence actions and have resulted in substantial

compensation awards while simultaneously forcing policy changes within failing

institutions.

Further statutory routes arise under the Children Act 1989 and the Children

Act 2004, which place clear duties on local authorities to safeguard children and

promote their welfare. Breaches of these duties, particularly where vulnerable

children in care were groomed or assaulted by those in positions of trust,

support civil claims for damages. Sections 16 to 19 of the Sexual Offences Act

2003 create specific criminal offences for adults in positions of trust who engage

in or incite sexual activity with children under their care, but the same facts also

ground civil liability for breach of statutory duty. Vicarious liability principles

allow claimants to hold authorities responsible for the acts or omissions of their

Supreme Court of the United Kingdom, CHIEF CONSTABLE OF NORTHAMPTONSHIRE POLICE v.

WOODCOCK, 4 July, 2025.

Supreme Court of the United Kingdom, COMMISSIONER OF POLICE OF THE METROPOLIS v. DSD

AND ANOTHER, 23 July, 2015.

176

employees, such as social workers, care home staff or NHS personnel who either

committed offences or turned a blind eye. Where broader policy decisions

contributed to the scandal, judicial review proceedings remain available to

challenge unlawful failures to act, providing a route to quash decisions and

compel proper investigations.

Private prosecutions supply the criminal counterpart to these civil remedies and

are available to any person or organisation with sufficient interest in the case.

The full spectrum of offences committed by the perpetrators can be prosecuted

privately under the Sexual Offences Act 2003, including rape contrary to section

1, rape of a child under 13 contrary to section 5, assault by penetration contrary

to section 2, sexual assault contrary to section 3, causing or inciting a child to

engage in sexual activity contrary to sections 8 and 10, arranging or facilitating

child sexual exploitation contrary to section 50, grooming contrary to section 15,

and the various trafficking and prostitution-related offences in sections 52 and

57 to 59A. The Serious Crime Act 2015 broadened these provisions by replacing

outdated references to child prostitution with the wider concept of sexual

exploitation of a child, while the Modern Slavery Act 2015 criminalises

trafficking for sexual purposes with a maximum sentence of life imprisonment.

Indecent image offences, offences of causing or inciting prostitution for gain,

and even rarer but documented instances of animal cruelty linked to the

offending can likewise be pursued.

Where public authorities or their employees have themselves committed crimes,

private prosecutions are equally viable. Misconduct in public office, perverting

the course of justice, and aiding or abetting the primary offenders can all be

charged against police officers, councillors, social workers, or care staff who

deliberately obstructed investigations or protected perpetrators. The same

principles apply to family members or community figures who shielded rapists

through intimidation of victims, concealment of evidence, or active assistance in

the trafficking networks. Precedents such as HM Advocate v. Collins (2016)

illustrate the gravity with which courts view abuse of trust in care settings, and

private prosecutors can seek the same life sentences with extended minimum

terms that were imposed in R v. Karrar (2013) for the depraved, brutal, and

177

sadistic nature of the gang activity.

The procedural route for private prosecutions is straightforward yet powerful. A

summons or warrant is issued by a Magistrates’ Court upon presentation of

evidence that satisfies the evidential and public interest tests, after which the

case proceeds as any other criminal matter, with the CPS retaining the power to

take over and continue or discontinue it. This mechanism bypasses institutional

reluctance, ensures that cases such as those involving absconded offenders or

protected family members reach court, and creates a public record of the

offending that can support parallel civil claims. In combination, civil actions

deliver financial redress and accountability for harm, while private prosecutions

deliver criminal convictions, long custodial sentences, and the public

condemnation necessary to dismantle the networks. Together, they form a

complete legal strategy capable of delivering justice where state agencies have

historically fallen short.

High Court of Justiciary, HER MAJESTY’S ADVOCATE v. GORDON COLLINS, 25 November, 2016.

178

Steps

●

Publish this Inquiry’s full witness statements.

●

Seek out further witness statements so that more victims can tell their

story.

●

Name within Parliament those found to have enabled the rape gangs.

●

Continue initiating civil proceedings and private prosecutions where

appropriate.

●

We have had more women come forward since our formal hearings took

place. Be in no doubt that we intend for our Rape Gang Inquiry to have a

long life well beyond the publication of this one report. It will be updated

as and when we learn more about the most horrific blight on our national

story. This is the initial phase of a larger mission to make sure that no

such avoidable atrocities can happen ever again.

179

Concluding

Message

from

Rupert

Lowe

MP,

Rape

Gang

Inquiry

Chair

I want to thank you for taking the time to read our report. I hope it has gone

some way to helping you understand the horror that has unfolded in almost

every British town and city over the last 50 years.

Participating in our hearings, listening to the survivors, was the most harrowing

experience of my life. It is impossible to understand how such evil has been

allowed to flourish on such a horrifying scale.

This Inquiry was founded because the authorities failed to act, the politicians

failed to act, the civil service failed to act.

Everyone failed to act. We will not make that same mistake again.

We will provide a platform for further victims to tell the nation their story, I

will name perpetrators using parliamentary privilege, and we will aim to put

those people in prison through co-operation with the relevant authorities. If

they fail to take the necessary steps, we will deploy private prosecutions to

obtain justice at last.

The ultimate objective of our Inquiry is clear.

Put rapists and their enablers behind bars.

There will be more news to come very soon on that front.

Thank you for your time and attention in reading this historic report.

Rupert Lowe MP

The Rape Gang Inquiry

180

Appendix

–

Non-Hearing

Victim

Testimony

‘Felicity’

(Survivor)

“This is the ﬁrst time I have ever shared a full account of what has happened to me as a

child.”

“The ﬁrst assault happened shortly after my eighth birthday. On this occasion, he asked

me to help him put up a shelf. So went into a back room, and he closed the door behind

us. He had closed the door before, although closed doors made me feel uncomfortable and

trapped. There were nails in a small box, and he asked me to pass them to him. When I

went to pass them to him, he came on top of me and put his hands all over me. I do not

remember him saying anything at ﬁrst. I froze and could not move. I remember being

very scared. I also remember being terriﬁed that I would get into trouble. He told me

that if I told anyone, I would be taken away. I was terriﬁed of going home afterwards.”

“This was the starting point of years of abuse, rape and torture. This man was the ﬁrst

person who had harmed me in this way. He then progressed to traﬃcking me to other

men, predominantly Asian, outside the local area. After this, I began being collected

either by taxi or by men who would pick me up personally.”

“These collections often took place after school, on church nights when I was supposed to

be attending church, and sometimes at weekends.”

“I was also put in situations where I was made to participate in harmful acts involving

other children. This was used to confuse boundaries and to make what was happening

feel ‘normal,’ while also creating secrecy and fear about speaking out.”

“The man was described to me as someone who ‘adored’ me and would marry me. I was

told this was ‘God’s plan’ and that I would need to ‘convert’ to Islam. This was presented

as love and destiny, but it functioned as manipulation and control.”

“The man linked to my initial period of abuse attended a Christian church. My contact

181

with him and the way faith was referenced were used as part of the narrative to gain

trust and legitimise what he was saying.”

“I remember at one point being given a book about Islam by one of the Asian

perpetrators and being told I needed to learn it, as part of the pressure to convert.”

“Another upstairs room was known to me as a punishment room. I describe it this way

because it was the room where girls were taken if they were said to have done something

wrong. Inside that room, I remember crate-like enclosures similar in appearance to dog

crates. Some were positioned on the ﬂoor and others above. I also recall there being

various items in that room which were used to hurt or punish people. Entering that room

was frightening, and it was understood that being taken there meant serious punishment.

I do not recall people always explaining why punishments were happening.”

“I remember one of the worst punishments I ever witnessed involved another girl who

was accused of reporting one of the men to the police. At that time, I had answered back,

and Char had stood up for me. She was slapped, and both of us were taken upstairs. We

were in the punishment room when another girl was brought in. The men stated that she

had reported one of them to the police and needed to be taught a lesson. I then witnessed

an iron being used on the girl’s back while it was hot. I remember seeing severe burns

and skin damage to her back. This memory has remained deeply traumatic to me.”

“My recollection is that the girl later died. I remember seeing her being strangled

afterwards in that room. I recall there being several men present, approximately four in

total. I was terriﬁed.”

“At one point, both ‘Char’ and I were pregnant at the same time. All of these pregnancies

ended in miscarriage. I was with ‘Char’ when she experienced a miscarriage. At the time,

neither of us properly understood what was happening. I thought she was dying. Seeing

what happened to ‘Char’ later helped me understand what was happening when I

miscarried. I have experienced multiple miscarriages in my life.”

“When ‘Char’ stopped being brought to the house, other girls were brought instead. I

asked one of the men where she was. After I asked about her, I was placed in the

punishment room. One of the men told me that she would never be coming back. They

182

laughed and said they had killed her and that I would never see her again. However, one

of the men also said he wanted to take her away to Pakistan.”

“I witnessed a serious violent incident involving a man I believed to be a police oﬃcer. I

remember his face and name. A girl was shot in front of me. This recollection is

distressing and has remained vivid.”

“During this period, I was made to feel that I was completely under the control of the

men involved. I was threatened with extreme violence and told things such as that I

could be chopped up and fed to pigs. Because of these threats and the abuse I had already

experienced, I genuinely believed that I would be killed if I disclosed what had happened

or what I had witnessed.”

“At some point during this period, I attempted to end my life using a gun belonging to

one of the men involved. I attempted to shoot myself by putting it to my head. I had

never used a gun before, and didn’t know how to use it. I pulled the trigger, but it did not

go oﬀ. I remember the adults being extremely angry. I recall being threatened that I

would be arrested and I felt terriﬁed.”

“He put me into a van with seven other girls in a crate and two boys, drove us out into

the middle of nowhere and took us all out, lined us up and told us the rules, what we

will be doing. Four of the girls were taken from abroad to be sold here. They didn’t speak

English.”

“One of them talked back to the guy who was going to buy them and he snapped and

stabbed her over and over and beat her. Then he set her on ﬁre and made us all watch.

That's what changed me. That's why I tried to jump out of the window. Towards the end

I had to dig my own grave. There was one man I remember distinctly.”

“He would talk about wanting a rose to his Fred. He talked about his idol being Fred

West and he wanted a partner he could kidnap, kill and eat kids with. He talked in

detail and I saw him again when I was 27. I did try to report him at 27 but they didn't

believe me.”

“I recall one occasion where he hung me upside down by my feet and whipped me. He

183

then urinated on me. I also remember him forcing acts upon me and pouring substances

over me while laughing, as though he found it amusing. His behaviour appeared sadistic

and degrading.”

“The house resembled other houses I had previously seen where girls were present. I

remember seeing a very young girl, approximately ﬁve or six years old, tied up near the

kitchen area. I could also hear other girls elsewhere in the property.”

“The man I knew as ‘Raz’ appeared to enjoy watching another man rape me. During the

assault, I screamed at him to help me. I recall that he eventually told the other man to

stop and instructed him to leave the room. However, once the other man left, ‘Raz’ then

raped me himself.”

“I remember him saying that the night was ‘special,’ that he was celebrating something,

and that I had been “purchased” for the night as a reward for his associates. Over the

course of the night, numerous men assaulted me. I cannot remember how many there

were. I remember ‘Raz’ sitting in the corner watching while the abuse took place.”

“At some point during the night, I was forced to take additional tablets or substances. I

became extremely disoriented, dizzy, nauseous, and unable to move properly. I remember

the room spinning and seeing double. I felt physically heavy, as though I could not

control my body. I vomited over myself at one stage because I was choking, but the abuse

continued regardless.”

“I remember witnessing severe abuse directed towards the baby while the mother was

forced to watch. I recall seeing cigarettes being put onto the baby. The woman was white,

the baby was of mixed heritage. These men then killed the baby. The incident caused me

extreme distress and remains one of the most traumatic memories I carry. At the time, I

felt emotionally overwhelmed and psychologically broken by what I witnessed.”

“I experienced ongoing nightmares, ﬂashbacks, dissociation, shame, fear, and emotional

numbness. There were periods where I blocked out signiﬁcant parts of what had

happened in order to cope and survive. I also experienced repeated situations where I felt

disbelieved, dismissed, or treated as though I was inventing events, which had a deeply

damaging eﬀect on my conﬁdence and mental well-being.”

184

“A signiﬁcant part of my healing has come from ﬁnally being listened to, believed, and

validated. Being heard has helped me begin to understand that what happened to me was

not my fault. Although I still experience the eﬀects of trauma and some symptoms

remain, I now experience fewer nightmares and ﬂashbacks and feel more able to speak

openly about what happened. I also feel emotionally lighter than I have for many years

because I no longer feel completely silenced or alone with these experiences.”

‘Claire’

(Survivor)

“There were always white girls coming in and out, some even younger than me. Some

girls dealt drugs for the men, and many of those girls still hang around with the same

perpetrators now, which makes me very sad.”

“We were just in and out of all these party houses – drugs, men, doing whatever they

wanted. The lads would pick us up from school. We raised concerns at the time because

we all went to the sexual health clinic, so there are records from that. Even the Chief

Inspector of Redacted Police was aware.”

‘Tinkerbell’

(Survivor)

“Three weeks after my placement, I woke in the middle of the night to ﬁnd someone’s

hand inside my vagina. I was fourteen and a half years old. The night social worker was

a Scottish man. I reported what had happened. He took me to the oﬃce, sat with me,

and helped me write a report. The following morning, he had gone. No one followed up.

No report was acted upon. No one asked me if I was safe. Nothing happened. From that

point onwards, I felt no safer than I had at home. The abuse continued on several further

occasions within the care setting. I have vivid memories of night-time routines in the

home, including occasions where one child was selected to stay up and watch a ﬁlm with

staﬀ while others were sent to bed. I recall being given a glass of lemonade and having no

memory of what happened afterwards.”

“During this time, my education collapsed. I had previously been a high-achieving

student with aspirations to become an architect. However, I began truanting and

disengaging. While in care, I also experienced signiﬁcant chaos, including police

informing me that my mother had emptied my bank account by forging my signature.

185

Despite this, I was pressured to return home. I began running away from the children’s

home. Initially I did so alone. Later, another girl joined the home who I knew previously.

After I told her what had been happening, we began running away together. We were

groomed by adult men while on the streets. These included Pakistani men and a Polish

man, as well as his son. The arrangement was implicit: shelter, food and cigarettes in

exchange for sex.”

‘Lia’

(Survivor)

“I bought a house in 2002 and noticed my abuser hanging around outside of my house in

a taxi from the latter part of 2002 to the early part of 2003. After I started having serious

problems with my abuser early in 2003, I made numerous reports about him to the police

in 2003, including about him non-stop stalking me, abducting me, violently attacking me

almost every day for hours on end, breaking my nose and other bones etc, non-stop

raping me, non-stop falsely imprisoning me and him constantly threatening to kill me

and my 5y old niece. He claimed to be the son of the chief of police of Baghdad and he

had two passports with two diﬀerent names.”

Anonymous

Interim

Turnaround

manager

(Whistleblower)

“I am an interim turnaround manager. I have worked in this type of role for many years.

In or around 2019, I was brought into a residential children’s service in a large town in

Greater Manchester on an interim basis from approximately September until March of

the following year. My role was to stabilise the service, support carers, identify systemic

issues, and exercise professional judgement about whether the service was meeting the

needs of the children placed there.”

“From the outset, it was clear to me that the service was not meeting the needs of the

children and young people placed within it. There were longstanding concerns about

carer support, safeguarding practice, and how risks were being managed. Although issues

were repeatedly raised and formally investigated, meaningful change did not follow.

From what I observed, and from listening to my colleagues’ statements, the same

mistakes were being made repeatedly.”

186

“In my professional opinion, these failures directly led to children being placed at risk

and, in some cases, to the abuse of children. Safeguarding was not eﬀective, particularly

in relation to sexual exploitation. The service was not taking the necessary steps to keep

children safe.”

Anonymous

Consultant

physician

(Survivor

and

Whistleblower)

“Through my medical career, I have witnessed ﬁrst-hand the devastating impact of

sexual abuse on children and adults of all genders. Sexual abuse destroys lives, often

presenting in healthcare settings not only through direct disclosures, but through physical

symptoms, psychological distress and complex presentations that mask the underlying

abuse.”

“Despite this, at no point during my medical training or professional development was I

taught how to identify grooming or traﬃcking according to the proﬁle later described by

Professor Alexis Jay or more recently referenced in Casey’s 2025 audit of grooming gangs.

Nor were we trained on the Alexis Jay Report itself.”

“During this period, I was traﬃcked to Greece so that he could evade the law and

continue abusing me as a child. Religion was used as a controlling mechanism. A

distorted form of Christianity was used to instill fear, omnipotence and obedience, with

threats of divine punishment, death and hell if I resisted.”

“The abuser carried a gun, issued threats of violence, death and suicide, used alcohol,

and isolated me almost entirely from society for approximately ﬁve years, except for

education. Even my schooling was tightly controlled through pick-ups, drop-oﬀs,

intimidation of teachers and acts of violence towards others.”

‘Jo’Jo’

(Parent

Survivor)

“There is a widespread belief that children are only groomed or sexually exploited if they

come from chaotic backgrounds or are in care. That was not the case for our family.

Grooming has no boundaries. I had ﬁve children … All of them are well-respected, have

good jobs, and have families of their own. My daughter did not come from a broken

187

home.”

“Another disturbing pattern emerged. We would ﬁnd her dumped on our doorstep in the

morning, intoxicated. The men grooming her were giving her alcohol and drugs.”

“We questioned her about this so-called boyfriend. She told us she loved him. When we

asked his age, she said she thought he was around 25 years old. She talked about meeting

his family. She was a young teenager. I could not understand how any family could

accept a grown man being involved with a child.”

“I will never forget being told by police oﬃcers that if she carried on as she was, she

would end up either dead or raped. Despite saying this, they did not recognise her as a

victim. They did not arrest the adult men she was being found with, even though she was

only 13 or 14 years old.”

“When my daughter was 15 years old, police came to our door and told us she had been

raped by four Asian males. They were Pakistani men.”

“We rushed to her. She was in a terrible state and could barely walk. She had been plied

with a large amount of alcohol. She was raped and had curry powder thrown over her.

This took place at a hotel during Eid.”

“Staﬀ at the hotel had seen my daughter being escorted to a hotel room by a group of

Asian men. It was the hotel manager who contacted the police, who then contacted us.”

“My daughter’s perpetrators were charged, and the case was prepared for trial. On the

day of the trial, we were told the case had been dropped. We were told only that the

perpetrator had a very good solicitor. No written explanation was ever provided.”

“This moment destroyed her. She felt she had not believed and had not received justice.

Her drinking escalated.”

“In 2022, my daughters found their sister deceased in her ﬂat. She was 33 years old. She

died alone.”

188

“I believe that the grooming, rape, institutional failures, and collapse of the justice

process directly contributed to my daughter’s death.”

‘Phoebe’

(Survivor)

“Over the past few years, everything has been taken away from us, and none of us were

prepared for it, especially me. It has been a huge culture shock to watch our old life

gradually disappear, particularly as a result of what happened to me as a teenager.”

“It’s hard for my dad to put into words how much this aﬀected him, but I know it

changed him deeply. It changed all of us. Even though we’ve tried to move forward and

rebuild our lives, nothing has ever really been the same since.”

“We had expected to be taken seriously by the police. We believed the law was there to

protect us. It was deeply shocking to discover that vital evidence had been deleted from

the phone we had handed over. This was Redacted Police.”

‘Ross’

(Parent

‘Phoebe’)

“What happened to my daughter ‘Phoebe’ and the processes that followed, including the

complaints procedures, Subject Access Requests, and prolonged delays without proper

investigation have had a profound impact on me and on our family.”

“These experiences have aﬀected me emotionally, physically, mentally and ﬁnancially.

They have aﬀected my relationships, my ability to trust, my sleep, my eating habits and

the way I think. These impacts have continued over the last three to four years and are

ongoing.”

“I have had to focus on protecting ‘Phoebe,’ attempting to repair the damage done to her,

while at the same time committing myself fully to navigating complex complaints

processes and gathering evidence to understand how we were treated.”

“Both ‘Phoebe’ and I now suﬀer from anxiety and depression. ‘Phoebe’s’ health has been

further impacted by her epilepsy diagnosis in 2024.”

“If the authorities are able to treat my daughter and our family in this way, I believe

they are capable of doing the same to others. What has happened to ‘Phoebe’ and what

189

we have lived through over the last three to four years, will stay with us forever.”

‘Celeste’

(Survivor)

“I was then approached by one of the Slovakian men and he asked me to suck his penis …

which I refused. He then began to force his penis into my mouth.”

“I was (then) grabbed by a tall, muscly man wearing a pair of glasses. He shoved me

down onto the ﬂoor and ripped oﬀ my clothes. I completely froze in fear whilst he raped

me. I couldn’t ﬁght him oﬀ as he was so much bigger than me. He ﬁnished what he was

doing and walked oﬀ.”

“Before I even had a chance to take in what had just happened another man walked in.

He held my shoulders to the ﬂoor whilst he put his penis inside of me. I was raped by the

same four men continuously over a two day period. It felt like an eternity. They would

make us shower and watched whilst we did so. I was so confused at the time to why they

did this?”

“Following these events, I was prescribed sleeping medication, which was ineﬀective. I

was also prescribed medication for bipolar disorder; however, this did not improve my

condition. At no point was I oﬀered consistent or appropriate emotional or psychological

support. My foster carer arranged for me to attend art therapy sessions, but I did not feel

that these were beneﬁcial.”

“I felt signiﬁcantly let down by the system. No professional made any meaningful eﬀort

to speak with me about my experiences following the incident. My social worker attended

only for routine monthly visits, and there was no additional support provided.”

“Approximately three years later, my foster carer received a telephone call informing her

that my case had been discontinued due to a lack of evidence. I found this extremely

diﬃcult to understand, particularly given that I had identiﬁed four individuals in

connection with the oﬀences committed against me.”

“Throughout my teenage years, I continued to struggle with the emotional and

psychological eﬀects of what had happened. I found it extremely diﬃcult to cope with

everyday situations that others may consider normal. Even now, at the age of 26, I

190

continue to experience ongoing diﬃculties, including distress triggered by certain smells,

sounds, or environments, which bring back memories of the events.”

“I have attempted to engage with various forms of counselling and therapy; however, due

to my lack of trust in professionals, I have found it diﬃcult to fully engage, and these

interventions have not been successful.”

“I wish to make clear the long-term impact that these events have had on my life. While

I understand that some aspects of this statement may extend beyond the immediate facts

of the incident, I believe it is important to explain the lasting consequences. The trauma I

experienced was signiﬁcant, and I also feel that the response of the professionals involved

made the situation more diﬃcult than it needed to be.”

“I feel that I was let down by South Yorkshire Police and social services in the

Rotherham area. I remain deeply aﬀected by this and continue to reﬂect on how others

may have had similar experiences.”

191

Appendix

–

Survivor

Quotations

During the course of the hearings, survivors provided enlightening and

harrowing evidence. Below is an example of some of the quotations that came

out of the Inquiry.

“[Rape gang member] played a confusing dual role: he arranged girls for the men

but also acted as a protector. He bought me phones, drinks, and made me feel

special. I trusted him. Later that night, after [rape gang member] attacked me,

[rape gang member] found me, bought me food, and took me home. I passed out

and woke to him rubbing his penis on my lips.”

“On one occasion I went there with [my friend]. We were given bottles of red

wine. After being forced to have sex with between 15 and 20 men, [my friend]

became violently ill from the alcohol. I took her home to avoid her parents seeing

the state she was in. My own parents called the police but they were not

interested in pursuing what had happened.”

“When the restaurant closed, he took me to where the tables were stored and we

had sex. Immediately afterwards, all the restaurant workers entered the area.

[Rape gang member] held me down while they each had sex with me, laughing

during the assault. Later, in the car, he insulted me and called me derogatory

names, blaming me for what he had forced me into.”

“On one occasion I woke to ﬁnd [rape gang member] and [rape gang member]

both having sex with me. Drinking became my way of coping. At school I was

mocked and humiliated by peers. I would cry privately but pretended at school

that I found it funny, even making crude jokes to ﬁt in. Even my friends believed

I was consenting.”

“This was accommodation provided to [rape gang member] as temporary

accommodation as he told the council he was homeless. This ﬂat was used to take

girls for sex. We spent many nights at this ﬂat, drinking alcohol, and playing a

game called spin the bottle. I now believe that the men manipulated the game so

192

that it always landed on me. I would often end up very drunk and naked. At the

end of the night, the other girls would be taken home, but I would be kept back

and subjected to sexual acts by the men. Around 5 a.m., I would be allowed home

and would sneak into the house before my parents woke up.”

“Despite all this, the authorities treated me as though I was to blame for what

was happening. I felt completely powerless, trapped between violent perpetrators

and a system unwilling to protect me.”

“There was a Bangladeshi man who I had two children with who was physically

violent and, yeah, knocked my tooth out, you know, stamped on my head, lots of

diﬀerent things. I managed to get away from him because I think he threatened to

burn my house down.”

“It was almost like they were just looking for girls to bring to this wedding

celebration after everyone had gone home.”

“I heard lots of stories from Western women where their children had been

kidnapped and they’d never see them again. Western women that had been

married, gone to [the Middle East], their children had been taken.”

“It was all of the white girls in every home that I went to. And I mean, I’ve seen

girls locked ... I remember a man opening the back of a van and I saw maybe 15,

20 girls locked in dog cages. Looked like they’re on drugs.”

“But at the age of, I think I was 16, 17, they said to me at the sexual health clinic,

and I was checked out, I was diagnosed with polycystic ovaries. And they said

the chances of me ever having a child were very, very, very slim. Because of what

I’ve been through. They said because of the chlamydia, because of the state of my

ovaries, and because of the pelvic inﬂammatory disease, I had a very bad

environment in there, basically, that that wouldn’t probably hold a child.”

“[I feel] sick knowing that it’s still going on. That nobody’s wanting to do

anything about it even now in 2026. We’re still having this conversation. We’re

still trying to get people to talk about it.”

193

“They liked to take my passport and my documents and ID and they’d do

insurance claims for car accidents through my name that I’d been in. I’d done

medicals where I’d have to walk in and claim that I had a sore neck and they

would get the money for it.”

“I got beatings all the time whilst I was in [the children’s home], lots and lots of

beatings because I was telling the police. I was beaten to the point where I got an

aneurysm, my hair fell out. If it wasn’t me, it was someone else.”

Inquiry panellist: “You were 15 at this point?”

Rape gang survivor: “Yes. The one in the picture in the leather jacket. He’s the

one who took my virginity.”

Panellist: “How old was he?”

Survivor: “About 33 at the time.”

“I have experienced retaliation and hostility within my professional role when

raising concerns. I have been warned against speaking publicly and told that

doing so could result in disciplinary action or dismissal.”

“I was taken into a bathroom by the girl who had brought me there and told to

shave. She then told me that we were being sold to the men for sex. I had not

known this beforehand. I did not want to participate, but I was frightened,

trapped, and complied out of fear. I cannot describe in detail what happened in

the bedroom. I was sexually exploited and abused by an adult man. Afterwards,

we were made to sleep in a small child’s bed belonging to a toddler.”

Rape gang survivor: “I disclosed directly to staﬀ at [the children’s home] what

was happening to me, including the sexual exploitation, the repeated trips to ﬂats,

the involvement of adult men, the exchange of money, and the reasons for my

rapid and dangerous weight loss. I explained that I was frightened and felt

trapped. I was told words to the eﬀect that this did not constitute traﬃcking, that

I was over 16, and that what was happening was a matter of ‘choice.’ Police were

not contacted at that stage, and no immediate protective action was taken.”

194

“So [rape gang member] is like, do you want to kiss me? And I’m like, no, not

really. He’s like, right, okay, we can get it on. And I was like, no. I said, I’m on

my period. That was the ﬁrst thing that came to mind, I wasn’t. But that was my

ﬁrst excuse. He’s like, oh, it’s okay, it doesn’t matter. So I was like, no, no, no,

pushing him away. And he pulled my legs forward so that I was almost laid, like

slouched. And he pushed me back. And he pulled my pants down, got on top of

me and raped me. And I was saying no, I was kicking at the same time. I was 12

years old. This guy, just so I can say this clearly, was taken to trial and caught.

He was put on a retrial and he walked away. He’s now walking the streets.”

“They would toot the horn of the car and then a child would be taken to the

front door [by a staﬀ member of the children’s home].”

Inquiry panellist: “Were there any other objects that they raped you with?”

Rape gang survivor: “Coca-Cola bottles. Keys, for some reason. Somebody tried

to put a baseball bat up there.”

Panellist: “Do you think they were doing these things for sexual gratiﬁcation?”

Survivor: “It’s about harm. They don’t care. They don’t care about you. They

usually try doing these things after they’ve done the sexual bit that they wanted

to do. Once they’ve ﬁnished, that’s it. They can do what they want to you. That’s

how it seemed.”

“I remember the ﬁrst time I was taken into the sexual health clinic by my social

worker. She walked me in there and it turned out that I had chlamydia in my

throat and vagina. And I’d also got gonorrhoea at that time. At the same time,

they also diagnosed me with genital warts. And then a few months later, I was

taken back again. I was diagnosed with chlamydia again, gonorrhoea again, but

this time it was also a pelvic inﬂammatory disease. Never once did any nurse or

doctor question any of that.”

“There was a circle of [Pakistani] nationals, they were pointing to the children as

if they were choosing them.”

Inquiry panellist: “When you were picked, what happened?”

Survivor: “The male staﬀ [at the children’s home] would keep taking the children

195

to the arcade, and done up in nice clothing.”

Panellist: “So are you saying that the staﬀ at the home were selling you to these

foreign men?”

Survivor: “Yes, it very much looked like it, something was being set up, they

knew the names of the children, they were all hanging around in back to back

taxis.”

“Yes. Loads of times. They used to, like, tell me things about the good angel and

the bad angel that I’ve been, like, kind of possessed. And they’ve got to punish me

to get the badness out of me. That’s why they have to rape me and do all this stuﬀ

to me, to get the badness out of me. I’ve got to be punished. Yeah. And it was just

all kind of stuﬀ like that. The words they say to you, you’re ‘gora,’ like white

trash and white skin.”

“When I was 15 they traﬃcked me to Birmingham. I walked into the bathroom in

the ﬂat and there was a dead girl in the bath.”

“I was told by [female gang member] to gain more weight, she said Somali men

like big women, I needed to eat more and was trying to feed me.”

“I went into the ﬂat expecting a house party. Instead I was met with a cream ﬂat

that smelled very nice, very calm environment. Pictures of children, a child, a

little girl on the wall, and six Somali men in the lounge sitting around a coﬀee

table chewing something.”

“I didn’t want to do it. I went for a cigarette by this window, and one of the men

came over to me, hand on my throat, next to the window, going, no, you need to

do it, you need to do it. And I thought, I’m going out this fucking window if I

don’t do what I’m told. So I did.”

“I’ve even got asked to get married to someone from Pakistan for money. You

don’t have to sleep with them if you don’t want to, but if you want to be with

them, you can, and things like that.”

“He put a cigarette out on the baby’s face.”

196

“I remember closing my eyes and then every now and again I’d peep and all I can

remember is just seeing his face, like, you know, when someone’s, like, really, like,

trying to force, like, force it in. And then after he did it, I just remember being in

so much pain and bleeding loads. I was like really, really bleeding.”

“We were given absinthe and vodka and, like, a soft drink to mix with. Like,

literally one of the strongest alcohols was given to us, and by no mistake. It was

to exploit us in some of the horrendous ways possible that a child could be.”

“I grew up in a middle class house with two parents that had been married for a

considerable time, and I think that’s quite important because most of the time the

idea is that grooming gang victims are in care or they’re runaways or they’re

from generally lower class backgrounds, and I say this to just defeat the

presumption that it’s only a vulnerable or stereotypically vulnerable girl that can

be groomed, because the perpetrators are insidious and they’ll target anyone, they

will ﬁnd weakness or vulnerability anywhere.”

“It happened in summer 2017. I was about 14 when I ﬁrst met the second group of

perpetrators. I met them through another friend who was being actively groomed

by them, like, very severely. The ﬁrst time we met them was in a park, which is

now a massive hot spot for child sexual exploitation. It’s happened to hundreds of

girls there now.”

“They said they were going to attack [my friend’s] house and she had two little

siblings and her mum was quite vulnerable as well. So for her it was a massive

thing, oh my God, I’ve got to go because this is going to happen if I don’t. And it’s

the type of thing that, well, a child would believe, but it’s probably something

they would have done. They were absolutely insane and they were known for

violence against women.”

“It was actually quite a brutal sexual assault. He dug his ﬁngernails into me and

to me, it seemed there was no actual pleasure for him out of that. It was just

control and actually exerting power over someone who’s clearly vulnerable and

showing, ‘I have you where I want you.’”

197

“At the sentencing, she was sat behind us, directly behind us in the public gallery.

Throughout the whole sentencing, she was constantly saying, fucking liars, lying

white bitches. She was a white woman herself who I imagine may have been

groomed and has obviously now married into the family, shouting obscenities at

us. She said to me that God will be the witness for what happens to me.”

“The police didn’t do anything last time. I told them that it was essentially forced.

And they smirked at me in my own home and left. So, I mean ... there was no

evidence that they were going to do anything diﬀerent, that they were going to

actually support us.”

“I want the institutions to say, you know what, we hold our hands up. We believe

you and we’re sorry. I gave up getting justice a long time ago, but just for it to be

recognised and believed, that’s all I want. When you’re being told that you’re a

liar for such a long time, you begin to believe it, I suppose. I just want someone to

say, do you know what? We messed up. We failed in our duty to protect you. And

we’re sorry. And we’re going to learn from this.”

“One of the assaults that actually happened to my friend, she was in that house

and she was forced into it by, a 24-year-old woman who said, go in the room

with him and have sex with him now. Go and fucking do it. And I remember her

scream so loudly, come running back in half-dressed and saying that she was

bleeding and in pain.”

“The worst people that exist in this situation, apart from the perpetrators of that

horrendous abuse, are the people that sat in those positions within those

authorities that had every opportunity to do something about it and chose not to.

And when you do that over several decades, then it results in situations like this.

And that's how that has thrived. And that is how that culture has, it’s how it was

born, it’s how it’s thrived, it’s how it's surviving, and it’s how it will continue.”

“It started when I was 13, [I was raped by] probably about six, seven hundred

diﬀerent men over the three years.”

198

Inquiry Panellist: “Did the NHS play a part and were you able to talk to

them?”

Rape gang survivor: “I went when I was 13 with chlamydia, and then I got

genital herpes, and then I had a miscarriage. And that was all between 13 and 15.

So they knew something was going on. I did go once and I explained to the doctor

because I was like, can you give me some antidepressants or something? And the

doctor said, well, I don’t think that’s a warrant enough to give you those when

you’re too young. The NHS is complicit.”

Rape gang survivor: “[The gangs] are untouchable. They are. Because nobody

wants to admit that there’s a problem because they don’t want to be deemed as

racist. And also because it goes higher up and they don’t want it to be blown

open.”

“They said they wanted to take me back to meet their families. So luckily I didn’t

have a passport, otherwise I might not be sat here right now.”

Inquiry panellist: “The imams who run the mosque, do you think they are

aware?”

Rape gang survivor: “They know, 100%, because my friend was, when she was

15, she was sleeping with a guy who was older. She had a baby by him, and his

Dad was an imam. His Dad knew. And he got his son married and said that he

wasn’t allowed to see the child. They look after their own community.”

“I remember being with my friend, and she lived in a children’s home. And they

would come and pick us up from outside. And then the care home would ring the

police and obviously tell them. And then the police would come out, and they

would call us prostitutes. I don’t think the services, even down to social services, I

don’t think they really cared. I think that they had the same thought as most

other people, that we were prostitutes and that we wanted it. I don’t think they

saw it how it really was, that it was grooming and rape. They blamed us for it. It

was our choice.”

“It wasn’t just rape. It was violence as well. I’ve had a gun held to my head. I’ve

been beaten so that I’m literally covered, head to toe in bruises. That was when I

199

was spiked, when I was drugged. I’ve had a knife at my throat because he wanted

me to ‘sort out’ 10, 15 cars full of men. I’d get kidnapped. I don’t think people

realise, I think they think it’s rape, but it was torture as well. I’d be kidnapped

and I’d be locked in a room. And I’d be beaten. I’d be told if I don’t do this, I’m

not going to go home. So it was a lot more than just rape.”

“I was beaten, black and blue, raped. Not only sexually raped with their body

parts themselves, but with objects as well. There was an incident – I was taken to

hospital. It’s not even in my medical records. I was taken to A&E because my

vagina was split open from a glass bottle.”

“I just want it to stop and not happen to any other children and for people to

actually act and do something and stop being so scared.”

Inquiry panellist: “How many diﬀerent men do you think raped you over that

period when you were 16?”

Rape gang survivor: “About 100.”

Panellist: “When you were 16 years old?”

Survivor: “Yeah.”

Rape gang survivor: “It was just getting like more and more. Non-stop phone

calls. Everyone knew who I was. I couldn’t walk down the street without cars

pulling up and just saying, ‘get in now.’”

Inquiry panellist: “And what would happen when you'd get into a car?”

Survivor: “They’d just take us oﬀ to a house or wherever and that’s when all the

bad stuﬀ would happen.”

Panellist: “They’d rape you?”

Survivor: “Yeah. They wouldn’t take no for an answer. It was on a daily basis. It

was like, you’d be in one car, and then you’d get a phone call, ‘you’d better come

and meet me now.’ So you’d get out of that one car, you’d be in the next car, the

next car, so it was about ten in one night.”

Inquiry panellist: “You said around 100 men. What races were there?”

Rape gang survivor: “Mainly Pakistani.”

Panellist: “Were there any white men?”

200

Survivor: “No.”

Panellist: “Did they ever speak about religion?”

Survivor: “Yeah. Loads of times. They used to, like, tell me things about the good

angel and the bad angel that I’ve been, like, kind of possessed. And they’ve got to

punish me to get the badness out of me. That’s why they have to rape me and do

all this stuﬀ to me, to get the badness out of me. I’ve got to be punished. Yeah.

And it was just all kinds of stuﬀ like that. The words they say to you, you’re

‘gora,’ like white trash and white skin.”

“The taxis would drop a girl oﬀ, they’d go in the shop, that taxi would leave, clear

the job, then another taxi would pull up. Girls are half drunk, they’re just getting

in a taxi thinking it’s the same one and then they’re being took to places to get

raped. And there’s a chat, there was a group chat for all the drivers, so they were

all communicating with each other. Mainly Muslim taxi drivers.”

“I was actually married to an Asian guy and fully converted. Through the imam.

The imam came to my house. I was fully converted.”

“I heard [the police oﬃcer’s] radio go and I heard them say that they was taking

[my daughter] to Mohammed’s brother’s address. I begged them not to take her

there. I was like, they’re the people that are doing this to her. You cannot take her

there. They’re gonna kill her. Because I did believe they was going to. And they

didn’t listen to me. They did take her there. And like I said, she was abused there

by them, by Mohammed.”

“I remember closing my eyes and then every now and again I’d peep and all I can

remember is just seeing his face, like, you know, when someone’s, like, really, like,

trying to force, like, force it in. And then after he did it, I just remember being in

so much pain and bleeding loads. I was like really, really bleeding.”

Mother of rape gang survivor: “We’ve had to ﬁrebomb-proof our letterbox

because we’ve had threats to have the house burnt down. She’s had threats to get

her throat slashed. I’ve had threats to get my throat slashed. This has been

continuous for four years, constantly.”

201

Father of rape gang survivor: “She’d already been raped at this point by a gang,

and most of her gang members went to [her] school.”

202

Appendix

III

–

Institutional

Failures

Police

and

Justice

Police forces nationwide ignored repeated reports of rape, false imprisonment,

and exploitation. Officers often arrived hours late to reports of missing children

and then refused to take statements from victims and closed cases without

examination. Girls were often arrested for drunk and disorderly behaviour that

followed assaults by the gang members. Bail conditions silenced whistleblowers

while known perpetrators received no conditions or surveillance. Two-tier

policing operated openly: forces surrendered to threats of disorder from certain

communities, fabricated offences against critics, and allowed officers linked to

the gangs to retire with pensions.

The evidence from a majority of the witness statements shows that police forces

across England and Scotland knew about organised grooming and rape of

children yet repeatedly failed to protect victims, investigate perpetrators or act

on clear intelligence. Officers discouraged reporting, criminalised victims,

destroyed or ignored evidence, and allowed perpetrators to walk free.

There is also disturbing evidence that serving police officers were active

members of the rape gangs, while others who went out of their way to protect

the rape gangs. This was not an isolated error. It was systemic across multiple

forces and lasted for decades. Below is a fraction of the incidents of which the

Inquiry has been made aware.

West

Midlands

Police

West Midlands Police failed Redacted. Officer Redacted was directly involved

in early missing episodes. Despite serious reports of a child being taken by older

boys, no written statements were taken from the mother or child. The matter

was never properly investigated. Officers attended missing episodes but took

between two and four hours to arrive. The response was described as wholly

inadequate. The force closed cases without safeguarding action, even when the

mother explicitly stated her child was suffering sexual exploitation.

203

Greater

Manchester

Police

(including

Tameside)

Greater Manchester Police repeatedly failed Redacted. PC Redacted, later

dismissed, attended a multi-agency meeting and shouted at Redacted to stop

reporting his daughter missing. He did this in front of professionals. Officers on

the Missing from Home team frequently failed to return calls. CCTV footage

captured officers discussing not waking the father when they attended at 3 a.m.

The force failed to enforce bail conditions on a known rapist who immediately

rang Redacted daughter and threatened her life. Associates of the perpetrator

attended the family home and the police response was delayed and dismissive.

Redacted daughter was left in the company of groomers on multiple occasions.

The force treated Redacted as the problem rather than as a dutiful parent trying

to protect his child.

West

Yorkshire

Police

West Yorkshire Police failed multiple victims, including Redacted. In Redacted

case, the force closed an early report of a recorded sexual assault on a 13-year-old

with no investigation into the creation or distribution of child sexual abuse

material. In Redacted case, officers routinely recovered the child from cars with

adult men but allowed the men to drive away without question. In Redacted

case officers Redacted and Redacted, among others, failed to act on extensive

stalking logs, threats, and evidence of grooming gangs. The force repeatedly

minimised disclosures, lost evidence, and treated victims as unreliable. Named

officers in Redacted statement include those who ignored years of harassment

and failed to link cases.

South

Yorkshire

Police

South Yorkshire Police targeted Tommy Robinson with dawn raids on family

homes and bail conditions. Robinson suspects to this day that the force often

timed their actions against him to disrupt lawful protests. A South Yorkshire

Police Officer, PC Hassan Ali, is alleged to have brokered a “no-prosecution

deal” with child abuser Arshid Hussain. Under its terms, Hussain handed over a

missing underage girl to police at a petrol station in exchange for not being

arrested or prosecuted for her abduction.

The force is repeatedly linked to early

See Driver may face charges over crash death of PC linked to Rotherham grooming scandal, The Yorkshire Post,

10 March, 2016.

204

knowledge of the rape gangs, at least from Sammy Woodhouse’s case in 1999

onwards, yet still they produced no protection. Officers discouraged missing

reports and protected perpetrators.

Merseyside

Police

Merseyside Police failed Redacted daughter and her family. DC Redacted and PC

Redacted discouraged the 12-year-old rape victim from pursuing justice. They

emphasised paperwork, delay, and ‘her word against his’ as reasons not to proceed

with a prosecution. Justice for a 12-year-old who was raped was deemed too much

hard work. This led her daughter to withdraw her complaint. The force failed to

act on video evidence of assaults, threats, and ongoing harassment. After her

daughter’s death, the family faced continued intimidation with inadequate

protection from the police.

Police

Scotland

Police Scotland failed in the Redacted case. DC Redacted received extensive

digital evidence from civilian specialist Redacted showing a man advertising as a

Quran tutor who was grooming a child. Despite the evidence, Redacted

relocated abroad, reappeared, and continued activity while under investigation.

The force has systemic data failures and no specific marker for group-based child

sexual exploitation and inconsistent recording of ethnicity data. This prevents

proper understanding and disruption of networks.

Metropolitan

Police

The Metropolitan Police failed Redacted. Officers attended the home after her

report of a coerced and recorded sexual assault on a 13-year-old, but took no

further action and closed the case without any investigation of the recording or

its distribution. The force later allegedly assaulted Redacted while she was

restrained during an arrest.

NHS

Services

The NHS, including its mental health teams, sexual health clinics, hospitals,

GPs, and emergency departments repeatedly failed to safeguard children who

presented with clear physical injuries, repeated STIs, suicide attempts,

self-harm, and disclosures of rape. Staff recorded the evidence, treated the

205

symptoms, and discharged the children back into the hands of their abusers

without triggering safeguarding, making referrals or providing trauma care. This

was not occasional oversight. It was consistent practice across multiple regions

and services.

Hospitals recorded physical injuries consistent with sexual assault yet took no

protective action and sent the children home the same night. ADHD, autism,

and addiction directly linked to exploitation received symptom-only treatment

with no connection made to grooming. Quick discharges returned traumatised

children to the environments where the abuse continued. Physical and

psychological harm from repeated rape went unaddressed, leaving victims

without coordinated medical or psychiatric care across the country.

In addition to showcasing a chronic lack of professional curiosity, officials

within the NHS also demonstrated a lack of collaborative multi-agency and

multi-disciplinary coordination. Instead, NHS Services tended to work in silos

within their own departments, such that physical services – A&E, sexual health

clinics, and the like – failed in many cases to collaborate or share information

with mental health services.

NHS

Sexual

Health

Services

(West

Yorkshire)

NHS Sexual Health Services treated Redacted for multiple sexually transmitted

infections, including gonorrhoea and chlamydia, when she was only 13-years-old.

The clinics diagnosed and medicated her but never triggered safeguarding

procedures or reported the fact that a child was being repeatedly raped by adult

men. No child protection referral was made. The service treated the infections as

a medical issue rather than evidence of organised child rape.

Dr.

Redacted

(GP,

Telford

area)

A general practitioner, saw Redacted with clear indicators of sexual

exploitation, including injuries and behavioural changes consistent with

repeated rape. Dr. Redacted failed to ask safeguarding questions, failed to make

any referral, and failed to protect the child despite the obvious red flags.

206

Medical

Professionals

–

GPs,

Surgeons

and

Consultants

(

Redacted

treating

teams)

GPs, surgeons, and consultants repeatedly recorded physical evidence of sexual

abuse on Redacted from infancy: genital rashes, bowel problems, invasive

treatments, and later severe injuries from extreme violence (anal rape,

penetration with objects, strangulation, biting, and cutting). These professionals

attributed the injuries to psychological causes, performed repeated invasive

examinations without safeguarding action and failed to protect her.

Hospital

and

Psychiatric

Services

(multiple

victims

including

Redacted

and

others)

Hospital staff across several regions discharged children after serious suicide

attempts, overdoses, and self-harm requiring stitches without safeguarding

assessments or protection plans. In Redacted case, psychiatric detention and

hospitalisation occurred while she was heavily medicated; police interviews took

place in that state with no trauma support. Physical injuries consistent with

sexual assault were recorded but no protective action followed. Children were

sent home the same night.

CAMHS

and

Liaison

Services

(

Redacted

treating

teams)

Child and Adolescent Mental Health Services (CAMHS) practitioner Redacted

and associated services framed Redacted disclosures of organised trafficking,

filmed rape, blackmail, and extreme violence (“red rooms”) as mental health

issues rather than organised crime. No escalation to protection or investigation

followed the disclosures.

Social

Care

Children’s homes became trafficking hubs where staff failed to stop older men

collecting girls at night. Local authorities often returned children to unsafe

homes and placements despite repeated disclosures of grooming.

Social workers dismissed parental concerns, removed parental authority in front

of the children, closed cases without intervention, and saw their job as standing

in for the parents themselves. Children in long-term care moved repeatedly

207

between placements that exposed them to further abuse. Children received no

long-term trauma support following removal from families. The state

systematically failed the most vulnerable and enabled the gangs to operate inside

the care system.

Social care across England systematically enabled organised grooming and the

rape of children. Children’s services, local authorities, foster carers, children’s

homes, and independent units repeatedly returned vulnerable children to

known risk.

Vulnerable young people who had already been groomed were placed in

institutions that were known to be hubs for rape gangs This was not an isolated

error. It was a nationwide problem and practice that lasted decades.

According to the National Audit Office the average cost to keep a child in a care

home is £318,000 per year.

To send a child to Eton, it costs £63,000 per year.

The failures in social care are not due to a lack of financial resources and have

everything to do with the ideology that has permeated throughout our culture as

discussed earlier in this report.

Redacted

Metropolitan

Borough

Council

One Metropolitan Borough Council failed every looked after child in its

semi-independent units. A whistleblower social worker formally disclosed

financial abuse of care leavers, misuse of public funds, unlawful sanctions, illegal

evictions, racism towards children in care, and systemic failures to safeguard

against sexual and criminal exploitation. Senior officers Redacted (Leaving Care

Service Manager), Redacted (Interim Director of Children’s Social Care and

Early Help), Redacted (Chief Executive), Redacted (Leader), and Redacted

(Head of Corporate Governance) acknowledged the concerns as credible yet

conducted no proper investigation. Redacted (Head of Counter Fraud) and

Redacted (Counter Fraud Team Manager) confirmed records had been

destroyed (shredders purchased at units). The council deemed the

whistleblowing “reviewed” without interviewing her and retaliated with

See National Audit Office, Government needs better oversight to tackle market failures in children’s residential

care, 12 September, 2025.

208

suspension and isolation. Children remained in unsafe placements and the level

of risks grew. No remedial action followed.

Tameside

Children’s

Services

(Greater

Manchester)

Tameside Children’s Services undermined Marlon’s parental authority and

placed his daughter in danger. A social worker privately acknowledged

safeguarding failures but the service told Marlon’s daughter she could leave

home and contact authorities if her father tried to stop her. Edge of Care staff

returned her to the exact farm where she had been raped and destroying forensic

evidence. After a rapist threatened her life on bail, no protection followed. In

Marlon’s daughter’s case, senior social worker Redacted imposed Deprivation of

Liberty Safeguards, restricted family contact, dismissed disclosures, and

misrepresented records. Agency social worker Redacted signed reports believed

to have been authored by Redacted. Social worker Redacted failed to report

Marlon’s daughter’s rape and, incomprehensibly, returned her to the scene of the

crime. The service treated the protective father as the problem and exposed the

child to further grooming in care placements staffed entirely by Muslim men,

where racist and extremist abuse occurred.

Redacted

Social

Services

Wolverhampton Social Services failed Redacted and her daughter. Social worker

Redacted received repeated reports of adult men with the child yet took no

action. The service refused relocation requests, downgraded risk levels, and

closed the case despite explicit statements that the child was being sexually

exploited. Redacted own childhood grooming history was used to blame her as a

parent. The NRM later recognised the child as a trafficking victim without

informing the mother.

Redacted

Council

Redacted

Services

Redacted Council and Redacted Social Services removed Redacted and her

siblings from a loving family into care where abuse was worse. Social worker

Redacted sexually abused Redacted sister and later married her. Social worker

Redacted was forced to participate in a cover story to conceal abuse. Foster carer

Redacted exploited Redacted for labour and isolated her. Management at the

Redacted children’s home (staff including Redacted and manager Redacted)

209

physically and sexually abused children, handed them to taxi drivers for external

exploitation, and covered it up. Records were concealed for nearly 40 years.

Operation Marmion was shut down at senior level and no one was held

accountable.

Redacted

Social

Services

Redacted social services failed Redacted. The service minimised disclosures of

forced conversion to Islam, forced Islamic marriage, coercive control, and

threats framed in religious terms to remove her child. They treated religiously

motivated abuse as a “cultural” or a “relationship” issue and made decisions that

resulted in parental alienation.

Redacted

Placement

(London)

Staff at Redacted (a supposedly high-support, CCTV-covered children’s home)

dismissed Redacted disclosures of trafficking to adult men in Hounslow flats as

“choice” rather than exploitation. They did not believed another resident’s

report of abduction and rape. Records from the placement are missing or

destroyed.

Social

Services

Redacted

Case

(West

Yorkshire)

Social services knew Redacted was associating with adult South Asian men and

being raped yet treated it as “risky behaviour” or a “lifestyle choice.” They

focused on contraception and sexual health checks rather than recognising

statutory rape. Foster placements failed to protect her and the abuse continued.

Redacted

Social

Services

Redacted

Case

Social worker Redacted disbelieved Redacted disclosures and her diary strangely

later went missing. Social work manager Redacted oversaw the response.

Incomprehensibly enough, the service treated organised trafficking, blackmail

with filmed rape, and “red rooms” as consensual.

Social

Services

Redacted

Case

(Telford)

Social worker Redacted provided ineffective intervention despite repeated

disclosures of organised gang rape facilitated by taxis, restaurants and women

210

enforcers.

Social

Services

Redacted

Case

(Sheffield)

Various social workers and safeguarding professionals implemented child

protection plans that never removed Redacted from organised houses in

Redacted where Iraqi-Kurdish Muslim men trafficked and raped her. They knew

of the risks yet failed to act decisively.

General

Children’s

Homes

and

Edge

Care

Failures

Redacted and multiple other cases show that unnamed children’s home staff and

Edge of Care teams repeatedly encountered missing, intoxicated, and injured

children with adult men but failed to report rapes, escalate risk or remove

children from known exploitation environments. Placements became gateways

for further abuse.

Education

Schools across Britain watched the rape gangs operate in plain sight and did

nothing to protect the children in their care. Teachers saw older men collecting

girls at the school gates, heard direct disclosures of sexual acts in toilets,

recorded truancy, self-harm and visible injuries, and witnessed children arriving

at school with gifts, drugs or bruises. Instead of triggering safeguarding referrals,

they excluded the victims, treated the exploitation as behavioural problems, and

allowed the perpetrators to continue collecting children from school property.

Education authorities failed to link obvious grooming indicators to organised

crime, ignored parental reports, and placed excluded children into environments

where the gangs operated. This was not oversight. It was active complicity that

handed children to their rapists every single day.

Redacted

School,

Telford

Staff at Redacted observed older men collecting girls at the gates and heard

direct disclosures of sexual activity in school toilets. They recorded truancy and

self-harm clearly linked to exploitation. Teachers excluded victims for “low-level

disturbance” rather than safeguarding them. Referrals were rarely made and

children were treated as having behavioural problems instead of victims of

211

organised gang rape. Taylor and her friends were collected openly from the

school gates and transported to abuse locations while staff did nothing.

Redacted

Merseyside

After 12-year-old autistic pupil, Redacted daughter, disclosed oral rape,

Redacted High School failed to separate her from the alleged perpetrator.

Safeguarding measures were tokenistic and the boy remained in school. Her

daughter faced relentless bullying and filmed assaults linked to the perpetrator.

The school took no effective action. Police had already discouraged the rape

investigation and the school compounded the harm by leaving the child exposed.

Her daughter died by overdose after the bullying and intimidation escalated.

Redacted

Daughter

Schools ignored visible bruises, split lips, and black eyes on Redacted child from

age 11. Teachers marked her as “must try harder” and “doesn’t mix” without

asking questions. When a sexual image of Redacted child, which she had been

coerced into sending, was circulated across multiple schools, no safeguarding

response followed. The school treated the exploitation as a behavioural issue

rather than organised abuse.

Taxi

Licencing

Taxi licensing authorities across Britain knowingly granted, renewed, and failed

to revoke licences for vehicles and drivers who formed the central transport and

operational backbone of the rape gangs. Perpetrators used taxis and private-hire

cars to collect children from school gates, care homes and streets, ferry them

between towns for gang rape, supplied drugs and alcohol, and return them

injured or unconscious. Licensing bodies possessed repeated intelligence linking

named drivers and firms to organised exploitation yet took no enforcement

action, ignored background-check failures, and surrendered to organised

protests when basic safety measures such as CCTV were proposed. This failure

was the active facilitation of child trafficking on a national scale.

Redacted

Licensing

Authorities

212

Redacted licensing authorities failed Redacted and dozens of other girls in the

same network. Taxis and private-hire vehicles were the primary method used to

collect, transport, and exploit children across Redacted Specific drivers and

firms were repeatedly linked to the gangs through victim reports, police

intelligence, and direct sightings. Licensing bodies took no action to revoke

licences or tighten background checks despite clear evidence of organised

criminal use. When attempts were made to introduce CCTV in taxis, Redacted

council faced organised protests and backed down. The result was considerable

mobility for the perpetrators and zero accountability for the licensing regime.

Redacted

Council

Licensing

Redacted Council licensing failed Redacted and every child handed over at the

Redacted children’s home. Staff openly selected children and passed them

directly to taxi drivers for sexual exploitation. This practice continued for years

in full view of the licensing authority. The council’s licensing system enabled taxi

drivers to operate as a direct extension of the abuse network inside a children’s

home.

Redacted

Redacted served as a Redacted City Councillor with direct responsibilities for

safeguarding, licensing, and community safety. She received a WhatsApp

exchange that concerned victims of rape gangs. She made the deliberate decision

to make the full exchange public. The disclosure triggered immediate political

controversy, media coverage, and formal complaints followed by disciplinary

processes against her. Redacted used the moment to highlight evidence of

grooming gang activity within Redacted and to link passenger and women’s

safety in licensed vehicles directly to exploitation risks. Her actions exposed how

local authorities continued to treat serious safeguarding concerns as political

problems rather than child protection emergencies. The incident further

damaged public confidence in Redacted safeguarding systems and demonstrated

that even elected councillors who attempted to raise the alarm faced

institutional resistance instead of support.

213

Appendix

–

List

Areas

Gangs

Are

Known

Have

Operated

Local

Authority

Districts

(149)

Aberdeen City

Angus

Antrim and Newtownabbey

Argyll and Bute

Ashford

Aylesbury Vale

Barking and Dagenham

Barnsley

Barrow-in-Furness

Bassetlaw

Bexley

Birmingham

Blackburn with Darwen

Blackpool

Bolton

Bournemouth

Bradford

Brent

Bristol

Bromley

Broxbourne

Broxtowe

Burnley

Bury

Calderdale

Cambridge

Camden

Canterbury

214

Carlisle

Castle Point

Chelmsford

Cherwell

Cheshire East

Cheshire West and Chester

Chiltern

Christchurch

City of Edinburgh

County Durham

Coventry

Craven

Croydon

Dacorum

Dartford

Derby

Doncaster

Dudley

Ealing

East Hertfordshire

East Riding of Yorkshire

East Staffordshire

Enfield

Epping Forest

Gateshead

Glasgow City

Greenwich

Hackney

Hammersmith and Fulham

Haringey

Harlow

Harrow

Hastings

Havering

High Peak

215

Hillingdon

Hounslow

Hyndburn

Ipswich

Isle of Wight

Islington

Kingston upon Hull

Kirklees

Lambeth

Lancaster

Leeds

Leicester

Lewisham

Liverpool

Luton

Manchester

Medway

Merton

Middlesbrough

Milton Keynes

Monmouthshire

Newcastle upon Tyne

Newcastle-under-Lyme

Newham

North Lincolnshire

North Tyneside

Northumberland

Norwich

Nottingham

Oldham

Oxford

Pembrokeshire

Pendle

Peterborough

Plymouth

216

Poole

Preston

Reading

Redbridge

Redditch

Richmond upon Thames

Rochdale

Rossendale

Rotherham

Sandwell

Sefton

Sheffield

Shropshire

Solihull

South Ayrshire

South Derbyshire

South Somerset

Southend-on-Sea

Southwark

St. Helens

Stockport

Stoke-on-Trent

Sutton

Swansea

Swindon

Tameside

Telford and Wrekin

Thanet

Thurrock

Tower Hamlets

Vale of White Horse

Wakefield

Walsall

Waltham Forest

Wandsworth

217

Warrington

Watford

West Berkshire

West Dunbartonshire

Westminster

Weymouth and Portland

Wigan

Wiltshire

Windsor and Maidenhead

Wirral

Wolverhampton

Worcester

Wychavon

Wycombe

Wyre Forest

York

Our Inquiry also found additional strong evidence of rape gangs operating more

widely within the following counties, albeit with a lower degree of specificity.

Counties

(11)

Derbyshire

Devon

Dorset

Greater Manchester

Greater London

Lancashire

Lincolnshire

Merseyside

Norfolk

Yorkshire

Warwickshire

218